The Hindu history of Super-Uranus can be told now, the Greek history later.
In the beginning, there was Vritra, a covering and restraint upon the Earth, and later on Vritra had as allies the Vritryas, who were demons of heavenly turbulence.
Heaven, who was Varuna, lived with Earth in a common house. Varuna was an enemy of Vritra, his heavenly antagonistic principle.
Varuna and Earth gave birth to Indra. At first Indra could not be seen. He was concealed. He was fed soma until he grew so great that he finally blew heaven and earth apart forever, filling the atmosphere with his brilliant self.
Indra, with thunderbolting Danavas, and the Adityas of Varuna, defeated the Vritryas.
"When the fight was over it became apparent what the Adityas and the Danavas had been quarreling about. For out of the shattered mountains, or out of a cave, or variantly out of Vritra's belly, emerged the cosmic Waters, motherly females who liked to escape confinement. They came out now like lowing cattle, flowing over the body of their former restrainer and lord Vritra, to acknowledge Indra as their new lord. And astonishingly, the Waters were pregnant, and their embryo was the Sun." 
All took their place; "the systematization and regulation was known as rita (rite), which means etymologically 'set in motion' and has the idea in the Rig Veda of cosmic truth or order." The profound meaning of the word "rite" is suddenly apparent here; religious rite is aimed at rehearsing and repeating the original cosmic order so as to support and control it by physical means. I understand Varuna as the original benign and intimate heaven of Earth. The Vritryas are the dragon-like monsters of the falling skies. The Earth's surface is destroyed in the first struggle of the gods. But Indra appears between Heaven and Earth, the first sun, in an increasingly visible atmospheric space. Waters fall abundantly, running off the new wrinkles of the Earth. The sun arose out of southern waters. Creation was next, but humans were already created, else they would not be watching the chaos.
Now we compare this Hindu myth with an analogous but distinct Hindu myth. The world was dark and asleep until the great Demiurge appeared and scattered the shades of darkness. He then laid the seed that became the golden egg, which, when hatched, gave forth himself, Brahma. It is the same creation.
The metaphorical history of the Cosmic Egg  is not a different or unique event. In a close parallel to the Hindu cosmogony, the Greek heard one version of creation in Hesiod and another version in the Orphic rites. Other cultures also had two versions of creation, one of which was the Cosmic Egg. The Dogons of the Upper Niger region put twin creators within the Egg.
Before the Cosmic Egg, a universal chaos is pictured. Translucent mixtures of light and darkness are sensed in the sky; Heaven is close to Earth, if not identical with it, as an eggshell encloses its egg. The human mind sees itself as within the Egg, which is cracked open. The Demiurge who has hatched himself is Super-Uranus who presides over the now opening universe.
According to the scenario of the last chapters, Solaria Binaria would be transforming at a rapid rate, some fourteen thousand years ago, with grave consequences to the proto-humans of Earth. The cause would have been a reduction in the particles and electrical charging that the Sun had been obtaining from its galaxy, whose expansion was proceeding then as now. The Sun's activity diminished, and with it decreased the Sun's gaseous engagement with its less luminous binary star, Super-Uranus. The ratio of electrical motions to inertial motions working upon Super-Uranus declined. Its rotation was disturbed. Its orbital velocity diminished. It became unstable and began to fission. At least two novas occurred, one to produce Saturn, the second to bring about Jupiter. Fragments constituting of today's Uranus, Neptune and Planet "X" (should it exist) were ballooned out into farther space. By retiring they might remain intact as gaseous cold planets, whereas, if close-in to the Sun , they would have collapsed. In retiring, they disturbed the dense inner planets.
On Earth, the first period of these events is called Urania. It would perhaps occupy on the scale of present time the years 14,000 to 11,500 B. P. The geography of the Earth then is diagrammed in Figure 20 and its eventual patterning forms the matter for the accompanying table.
There would commence a bombardment of Earth material discharged from Super-Uranus. A regime of Super-energy displays would occur, occasioned by slight interruptions of Earth motions. Hot spots and explosions would develop beneath the land in place; small ranges of mountains and hills would be folded or thrust over other land, creating minor basins and many stream channels. Erratic gaseous discharges would penetrate the atmosphere and extinguish life forms in increasing numbers of localities. Great fires would be set in a world that scarcely knew fire before.
We are just at the beginning of a worldwide hunt for signs of meteoroid falls, whether small or large bodies. The amount of cosmic dust on the Earth is now known to be huge. The separation of cosmic fall-out material from volcanic material in the sedimentation of the Earth is a large task that chemical geology is now assuming. V. D. Niemann of the U. S. S. R. has calculated, from present fall-out rates, that the globe must have acquired enormous deposits of cosmic particles since Creataceous times so that its diameter has increased by a factor of 2.6 and gravitational intensity of the Earth increased in proportion  .
Again, the seductive idea of constancy must be contradicted; under Solaria Binaria, the Earth would have grown at a much faster rate, then the rate would radically diminish to its present state when it is still considerable. However, the cosmic dust is only one type of fall-out and belts of debris around the world may turn out to be largely deposited from catastrophic fall-outs. According to B. Y. Levin. "The hydrocarbons in cometary heads must have played a part in forming petroleum and in the origin of life."  Meteoritic material falls in complex patterns, even in the same shower, In one Russian shower, a 343.8 kg stone struck with incomparably greater force and effect than a 440.4 kg stone  . A stream of giant meteoroids would probably not set up a linear spaced pattern of impacts with proportionate depths and in circumstances to permit easy discovery and survey.
After one calculation, based upon meteorite flux data and relations between meteorite mass and size of crater, it was concluded that the number of craters discovered is far below expectations. Though only 50 to 100 are known, 130,000 "should" exist from the past years. "The gross discrepancy" must be accounted for both " by erosion and by the masking effect of younger sediments and metamorphism of older terranes."  Or, one might add, by the admission of many new candidates to the club, such as Hudson Bay, the Bermuda deeps and Carolina bays, just as the great Ishim crater was recently described. Or that great crustal thrusts, floods, and other revolutionary events masked the craters. Or that (a) meteoroids in Pangean time were few, (b) then they were very many in the holocene, and (c) they are now much fewer.
By our theory, therefore, Urania witnessed the first chaos of the proto-human environment. As Super-Uranus prepared to fission and to retire, the magnetic tube weakened and the secondary orbits of the dense planets were reduced in diameter around the principal axis of the system. The Earth lost charge, and close-in sky vapors began to condense and fall. Also, holes were chopped in the adamantine heaven - by the creator God, Panku, says the Chinese legend. These would be extensive meteor bombardments, many of them of ice. Great lightning discharges struck between canopies, clouds and land surfaces, with sporadic deluges. The sky waters descended, gathered into clouds, and cooled the near-in atmosphere. The land waters overflowed. Heavy winds blew for the first time.
Where were the immense ice caps of the ice ages during this time? It will be recalled that geology is fixated on the gradual advance and decline of ice caps and many glaciers over a period of a million years. The present ice cap is usually regarded as a retreat phase of the ice that descended into the United States and Europe and regressed only some 10,000 to 20,000 years ago. However, today, one encounters fairly often the belief that the last ice age ended rapidly with destructive floods and the extermination of some species.
In a succeeding volume, I discuss the larger questions of the ice. Here two possibilities are viewed favorably. One is that the ice caps only recently appeared - during Uranian times when the heat of Super-Uranus and the binary electrical axis began to dwindle - but that before the Earth could be covered with ice, Super-Uranus novaed and the Lunarian catastrophe to be discussed soon, dumped most of the ice into the new oceanic basins.
As a second theory, the ice was dumped, not formed on the Earth, as a phase of the disintegration of Super-Uranus. It was distributed erratically in the neighborhood of the poles and on the new mountains, whence most of it descended into the hot new ocean basins, directly or from the land.
The latter speculation permits the discovery of unexpected ice-free locations. For example, Vilks and Mudies have analyzed a sedimentary core raised off the Labrador coast. In an area that has always been believed to be part of the heavy ice cover of the pleistocene, "an ice-free ocean may have occurred as early as 22,000 years before the present." Hitherto, reports "imply that the Labrador Sea was locked in year-round polar ice." Furthermore, "the pollen spectrum indicates the continuous regional presence of terrestrial vegetation during this time." Sedge, shrub and tundra were growing densely nearby  .
The C14 dating may, of course, be basically faulty. But then the whole theory of the ice ages needs to be reviewed. Or else, the 22,000 years should be collapsed to a post-Saturnian age after 6000 B. P.
Alternatively one wonders whether the ice cap may have been a scattered set of accumulations from sky drops and brief frigid episodes. This would allow a reconciliation to some degree with those who, like Donnelly, argue that the ice ages are a myth and their "remains" are comet-deposited gravel in fact, and also with those scholars such as Cook and Hapgood who envisioned large caps, global tilt, and an avalanche of the ice perhaps ten thousand years ago.
Amidst the developing chaos, the hominids were being replaced by the human race. A growing population was being reduced even as the species itself realized its human qualities. Atmospheric conditions and the surface environment were unfavorable to survival. Inconstancies and radical changes in the air accompanied explosive seismism. Most species were greatly reduced in numbers.
The evolution of man, which Johanson, White, the Leakeys, and others have contended to occupy four million years, saw little change until it was quantavoluted by disaster  . The human species began the period as a stupid hominid but speedily acquired a human nature. The hominid of Pangea entered the first age of gods, the age of Urania, with a pananimistic brain. Given a merely excellent primate capability of categorizing types of reality, it could not do more than regard all the world as more or less alive, judged in relation to its own locomotive and sensory scale. It could feel well or ill, coddle and train its young, heap up protective barriers, judge and even bury its dead, and go through a variety of obsessive and non-instrumental self-appeasing and other-appeasing action, which, if viewed from the perspective of self-aware man, might appear to be spiritual, but, if seen from the zoological standpoint, would be construed in the framework of such animal behaviors as bee dances burying bones chasing one's tail, hallucinatory dreams, or biting oneself in frustration.
The human sprang from changed radionics of the atmosphere invading its physiology and from the effects of intense prolonged terror. A split personality was born, essentially a self-awareness. The new humans depended upon delusory projections for survival against grave anxieties. A grasp upon memory and feeling for time erupted with self-awareness. The sign and symbol spread. Systematic recollection developed. Memoria is daughter of Uranus and mother of the muses, including history, who is Cleo: so writes Hesiod. Group history, and therefore collective futures, commenced. Invention, creativity, planning and institutions then grew. All of this frenzied human development and activity occurred in the sight of the great god proclaimed Uranus. The Urbild, as the Germans call the primordial image, was Uranus, the origin of the very word.
HUMANIZATION IN CATASTROPHE.
A. Hominid under Catastrophe
B. Catastrophized Human
THE GESTALT OF CREATION AND ITS AFTERMATH
PRE-CREATION MIND ORGANIZATION OF THE WORLD IN HOMINID FORM
Low-powered environmental forces are operative.
Hominid is un-self-conscious and has fully-functioning instinctual reactions.
Individual concentrates its life energies upon physical well-being and sociability.
Individual possesses simple tools, makes signs, and co-operates with others.
Perception, cognition and affection are governed strictly by a single coordinated instinctual being. Only rarely and temporarily are they "distorted". No animal (hominid) no matter how bizarre or self-destructive its behavior (induced by disease, chemicals, or trainers) ever thinks to itself: "I can't believe what I am doing!"
Assume a population of bands, a reign of natural terror (massive traumas), and distraught faunal populations.
(Problem now set is: How does a human become created and survive successfully out of this pre-creation setting?)
In a quick circular reaction the following occurs: High-powered environmental forces are unleashed in sky and earth. All senses are bombarded and radionic storms change the atmosphere and invade organisms. Physical well-being and sociability are practically destroyed.
Instincts are generally blocked in a frozen terror and/ or by microseconds delay in neurological transmissions along brain hemispheres.
Schism of the self occurs in one or a few hominids. Effective but persistent efforts "to unite the soul". Proto-decisions are required for self-control. D. Memories are intense. Memories are also suppressed in the struggle for self-control (ego versus alter-ago). Selective recall and forgetting spring into being.
The alter-ego is used to displace terror onto other people and the threatening natural forces. (That is, the primordial being does not know whether he is "talking to himself" or "talking to others.")
The ego begins to communicate with itself by displacement and projection, and having begun the process, extends it to all subjects of displacement.
High-powered forces continue and impress senses with destruction, chaos, and imminent return.
Perception, cognition, and affection are pliable (less instinctive) and are generated under conditions that mix up all kinds of phenomena of the triple-fear and triple control system of the person (fear of self, fear of others, fear of gods-nature).
Principle imprints on p, c, a (above) are blocking (amnesia, catatonism); compulsive repetitiveness; and orgiasm (destructiveness, wild expressionism). These imprints of the new world order of the schizoid mind operate within the individual, between and among individuals, and between individuals-groups and divine or natural forces.
Persons and groups, so as to control fears of self, others, and the object-world (animated),
And to obtain subsistence, affection and the reduction of tensions.
Organize their perceptions, cognitions, affects, and energies,
Through the mechanisms of memory (amnesia and recall), displacements (associations and ultimately sublimations), compulsive repetition (rites, rituals, rules and routines), orgiasm (aggression and nihilism), and communication (by behavior, signs and symbols),
To work upon materials and resources of selves, others and the object world,
To set up all behavior patterns ranging from informal to rigid, including the (1) regime of language, (2) religious rites and structures, (3) compulsive modes of coping with subsistence, sex, and conflict, all of which bear the stamp of the aforesaid needs, fears, and mechanisms, but assume variegated culture-forms depending upon the "mix" of history, no matter how brief the history,
And exclude or punish, "unaware," "sinful," or "sick" persons or groups who, in relation to a particular culture mix are deviant (i. e., have too much or too little of the key ingredients),
Which deviants (e. g., "schizophrenics") must fashion "mixes" of mechanisms and displacements, such that the number is great but represents and resembles in every case the peculiarity of the culture where it emerges.
The theology of creation everywhere holds that man was created suddenly, as he is, without previous existence. Quantavolution would also maintain that man was created suddenly, as he is, without previous existence as a human, but with a previous existence as a hominid, similar to this present physiognomy in so many respects as to be indistinguishable except for one thing. That thing is what theologians and the human race has always called a soul. But to my thinking, that soul is the inward turning of the new psychology upon itself -- self-awareness. And the link to divinity was historically inescapable. As the soul, or the split person looking at himself or herself, was born, it observed itself as born and in the company of a great active sun that was the most spectacular feature of the whole world. That form became the principle god and creator of the new human. Now here is the enduring connection between the religious world and the factual world and it explains why quantavolution in all of its previous manifestations cannot be so far from traditional religion as evolution and uniformiarianism have always been.
All new human nature came forth within a framework of time-based, terror-obsessed, and symbol-stressing behavior. Religion occurred in the human mind as the essential mediator among sky events, Earth events and human events. But if religion was the mediator, the gods were the arbitrators and major actors.
The first manifestations of theism must satisfy the following criteria: self-awareness, deliberateness, collective memory, future-control, symbolic connectiveness with the religious object. These are closely implicated in the gestalt of creation that was described above.
The manifestations must then reflect and operate upon the condition of creation, namely, uncontrollability and rapidly intensely changing environment, and the ensuing terror brought on by the numerous expressions of high energy forces.
In addition, since great environment changes occurred in different patterns, irregularly staggered, and over successive time-periods, the manifestations of theism must follow suit and display these identifiable events by correlated theistic events. We begin the correlations in this book, but the task is beyond our present capacities.
Finally, the manifestations, according to the theory of affective results already elaborated, must, in the religious context, as in all others result in striking developments of catatonic, obsessive, ambivalent, aversive, anhedonic, sublimatory, and orgiastic behavior - that is, a delusive schizophrenic psychology of the universe. All of this forms the subject of a volume to come.
It is a conventional belief, quite disproven by Marshack, that "whereas Paleolithic art provides abundant evidence of primitive man's concern both with his own kind and with the animals which constituted his main source of food, there is apparently a complete absence of interest in the physical environment – no representations are found of the heavenly bodies, the sun, moon or stars."  Of course the uniformitarian, evolutionist model of thought would prefer to believe this, but in fact the leap to humanity was for the hominid a leap directly to gods.
Marcel Baudouin, in two articles of sixty years ago, joined the paintings and the artifacts of the upper paleolithic caves of France into a convincing demonstration of the "astralism" of their creators. We cannot expect linguistic explicitness in modern terms. As Leroi-Gourhan reminds us, "How would a visitor from another planet distinguish between the Christian lamb pierced by a sword and the bison struck by a lance?... Prehistory is a kind of clay-headed colossus. ever more intangible as one goes up from the ground to the brain."  Direct sky imitations -- showing a radiant solar image - are available (see figure 12) from periods that immediately succeed the paleolithic, or perhaps are different cultures of the same time.
All the requirements of a religion can be supplied by the earliest humans. Age by age, from Urania to Solaria, the picture emerged, changed in details, and moved into the next great scene. In the middle Saturnian "Golden Age," the later Martian age, and the Solarian age, a considerable world peace occurred, leading to the simultaneous development of humanitarian religion and free, creative and skeptical cultures of considerable extent and duration.
RAYED HEAVENLY BODIES.
Definitive periodic light appeared in the age of Saturn. Circles are rare in early art. These from the Mesolithic (or Possibly Neolithic) caves of Spain (Source: Marshack, 343-4) are among the earliest that may depict a heavenly body.
The heavens had become alive. Beyond the blankets of water that had driven mankind from its vegetable swamps onto the highlands and into the caves, could be dimly perceived the giant body which was menacing the human being. The monster was alternately splendidly colourful and turbulently dark. It would rest ominously and then tear out chunks of its own body and cast them far and wide, some of them into the bowels of the Earth. It would hide itself and then descend like a great blanket upon the trembling Earth whose sounds of dismay and protest would become deafening.
Santillana and von Dechend wonder what to make of "the baffling Mesopotamian texts dealing with gods cutting off each other's necks and tearing out each other's eyes."  But these sane authorities would agree with all other historians of religion that wars of the gods and self-mutilation by the gods are part of every primordial cosmogony. Our preferred solution is that the high energy expressions of the world in those earliest human days wrote the first scenarios of religion.
Brandon writes  : "It is surprising... that the earliest recorded cosmogonies seem more concerned with accounting for the origin of the world than for that of mankind or of the animals." To me this is a necessity, not a surprise. The origins of the quantavoluted world were inextricable from human origins.
The effects of the breakup of Super-Uranus were felt throughout the globe, but the representations of the events themselves were watched best through the polar openings  . The primal scenes of the gods came then from the lands of the Hyperboreans, dwellers of the extreme north. However, the northern direction spoken of refers only to the geographical north, based upon the axis of spin of the Earth. The plane of the ecliptic in early primeval times was drawn between the solar equator and Super-Uranian equator; the poles of the planets-to-be were stretched along the same line. The view through the Boreal Opening revealed, in the north, the bodies of the Super-Uranian complex. At first Super-Uranus appeared casting his cloak of heaven partly aside to reveal himself. And around him were the satellites and stars.
His throne was the aura of northern lights and was imitated by earthlings down to the present day; it was also the sacred altar upon which sacrifices were forever to be offered. The altar stood also for the arch, for a four-columned portico holding up the heaven, and for a number of other ideas. The heavenly host of the Boreal Hole gave humans their holy city, Jerusalem, and started utopian planning on earth.
Visibility was sufficiently good in the early days to understand that the grotesque occurrences surrounding the throne of Ouranos were connected with the breaking of holes in the solid ceiling of the earth and the crashing explosion and burial of giants and gods upon the Earth. Divine men and women came from these bodies, many the ancestors of the surviving humans. So it seemed. In Greek legend, the children of Ouranos who were known as the Cyclops were probably named after the eye-holes that began to pierce the canopy, letting in the far Sky and each was of monstrous proportions because the holes were often the scene of large intrusions of meteoroids upon Earth. The connection of men and gods could be attested to by the observable physical facts of the sky as dealt with by symbolic projection. It was a psychological mechanism of which much is to be said later on.
The fervent wish for order brought forth the goddess Themis eldest child of Ouranos. Themis warned her sire of his approaching end, and he responded by bringing down the canopies to smother Mother Earth and by burying their children in the bowels of the Earth. Themis lived long enough to become the reluctant bride of the master of law and order, Zeus, marrying the order of the canopied age to the order of the bright skies.
Urged to revolt by his mother, Gaea, Kronos, last son of Ouranos, seized upon a flint sickle of jagged edge, resembling too the fingered arch of the enlarging boreal opening, and rallied his siblings to dethrone the father. The horrendous revolt splattered the blood of Ouranos around the world. The pillars of heavens toppled, the skies fell, and out of the prolonged explosions that filled the skies for centuries with water and dust, and through the vapory atmosphere that still encircled the globe, appeared Kronos (Saturn in ever-increasing sharpness of detail.) To the end, Saturn remained a god of the northern regions and was supposed always to dwell there in retirement, among the frozen seas that marked the new Jovean ice age. It had been his father's place before him.
To the monster, Ouranos, who seemed to cover all the air above with its body and capes, humanity responded with terrible words seared into memory: names, imprecations, ejaculations, commands. The earliest names must have been the same among the first humans  . Ten thousand years later the names varied. The being later on was T'ien (heaven), to the Chinese, an active Heaven, "the Accomplisher." He was Coelus or the Concealer, and, later, also was Uranus, (heaven), to the Latins. In Graeco-Roman myth, he is pictured with a great spreading cape of clouds, as in Figure 13. The ancient Hebrews called him Shamayim (" heaven" or "the there waters") and Elohim. To the Scandinavians, he was Bor; to the Sumerians, Nammu; to the Hindus, Varuna (" the surrounder," "the concealer," the watery and fiery god of day); to the Egyptians, Nun, the primordial watery chaos of the sky (see Figure 14). And so on to other ancient peoples  .
Carli writes  : "Uranus is the same as Uren a name that, divided into the two elements of Ur and En, reminds us of the word man and sky. Actually Ur-en signifies Celestial-man: that is the sense of these two celtic words. That is then how Saturn becomes son of Heaven. But Uran or Uruan has almost the same meaning in America and Ethiopia." That is Saturn may mean "son of Uranus," in accord with the legend.
TYPICAL DEPICTIONS OF URANUS AND SATURN.
Plato gives to Ouranos the names Kosmos (the "World") and Olymos, and says that this god gave mankind numbers. Ouranos turns about his stars, displaying his jewelry. He is the eighth god "who moves in the opposite direction to all those [the sun, the moon, and the five planets], but not carrying the others with him, as it might seem to men who know little of these matters." 
How would Super-Uranus have given mankind numbers? First of all, because humanity was created by him and spoke language owing to him. Coeval with words, or at least with drawings, may have been numbering. But I think it may especially be true because the skies opened up directly because of him. With the opening of the skies and the direction of North fixed, and the four pillars of the world defined, the purposeful orientation of humans began. By number, Plato probably means the science of numbers. Stecchini, reflecting upon his studies of ancient measures, commented that "the first problem of man was to organize the space around him."  Surveying began; settlements imitated "the heavenly throne and city of Super-Uranus." Paths were drawn on the Earth that traversed routes combining subterranean emanations with heavenly routes of the gods, giants, heroes, and animals  .
The first god was the living sky and the bodies wrapped in and emerging from it in the perception of newly created humans. Every people had its shining heaven and regent of Solaria Binaria, a combination of rim of the magnetic tube, the central axis of fire, the unseen Sun, and the activated Super-Uranus. As Figure 15 suggests, the myth of the mating of sky and earth excited concrete images in Egyptian tombs and on Magdalenian bones. In the Greek myths of the creation following chaos, Hyperion (" Lights") existed before Helios (" Sun"). Both the Sun and Moon are grandchildren of Ouranos and children of Hyperion and Thea  . Also, in genesis, light came before the sun and stars. In the Pyramid texts, the earliest extant mythological account, the moon is not prominent in the already then old cosmogony. The texts originate in the Mercurian period (Thoth is the Egyptian god) probably between 4480-4137 B. P. So we think that the Moon was present but cannot be identified.
HIEROGLYPH OF NUN:
THE EGYPTIAN FIRST GOD, THE 'ANCIENT ONE, '
'THE FATHER OF THE GODS'.
THE MATING OF THE SKY AND EARTH
The hind quarters and phallus of a bull hover over a naked pregnant women facing up. Rendering is by Piette, pictured in Marshack. Dated conventionally to Middle Magdelenian (14000 B. P.?). Marshack asks: "Does this composition depict a myth of the pregnant goddess in relation to a horned animal which may be a sky symbol. (p. 320)
Chaos itself was everywhere an undifferentiated order preceding the cracking of the heavens and the first self-awareness of humans, at which point "chaos" as it is known today, a world of horrifying disorder, began and was stamped upon the mind of man, its first perceiver on the occasion of its first perceptibility. The Exponential Principle was applied to man.
Celestial religion began as intense preoccupation with the behavior of the gods and as the imitation of that behavior as the new humans saw and understood it. Spoken language began immediately in the band and spread quickly by breeding of the human genetic type and imitation of these by close genetic relatives.
"As we follow the clues - stars, numbers, colors, plants, forms, verse, music, structures - a huge framework of connections is revealed at many levels. One is inside an echoing manifold where everything responds and everything has a place and a time assigned to it. This is a true edifice...." So do de Santillana and von Dechend generalize the archaic ecumene  .
There appear now to be a great idea of anthropology and its contradiction. The most ancient humans shared a world view which was too particular to be independently contrived in many places. We watch the first true humans spreading around the world rapidly. Now it is possible for the concept of diffusion to explain the archaic consensus; the original diffusionists were also the first humans. Otherwise we should have to resort like the evolutionists to some theory of independent invention of ideas and practices among humans who had been separated for hundreds of thousands if not millions of years. Or else we should have to say, with some Jungians, that our rather specific images are genetically transmitted. Furthermore, we would assert that the similar celestial occurrences of later on are seen quasi-universally and interpreted on the basis of the original ecumene.
Before the age of Urania ended, and despite frequent disasters, the original band had expanded into several millions of individuals. Crude pictographic symbols, capable of naming the objects of the world, were widespread. Sculpture and painting united the gods to humans. Like the gods, the humans were terrible and restless. They moved aggressively about the globe, like evangelists, offering an instrumental memory, symbols, discipline, tools and explanations to all creatures whom they encountered, and death or slavery to all that were incapable of receiving tutelage from the newly created ones.
King were designated. (The Pharaoh is born in Nun, says the Pyramid text  . Why, we ask, in heaven and not, like Athene, from the brow of Zeus?) Thousands of settlements were founded. Polos (the boreal hole or axis of the cosmos), polus (the end of the Earth) and polis (a city), unite the concept of an original heavenly regime located at the polar opening, the original Heliopolis (" the City of the Sun" to later sublimated Solarians, actually the "City of Super-Uranus")  . Rocks and trees were hewn into structures and tools. Animals were trapped and herded. Clothing was fashioned of skins, vines and fibers. Medicine was practiced. All of these processes were connected with religion. The distinction between ritual and pragmatic procedure was rarely made; all that was "useful" or "functional" was made part of religion and indeed, so far as the human was aware of, had never been anything else but religious.
The question arises whether the homo sapiens schizotypicalis of Urania quickly invented agriculture or whether our theory must follow the conventional progression of hunting and gathering, domestication of animals, and then after many thousands of years, agriculture. Unequivocally, compelled both by the logic of our quantavolutionary model and by the crescendo of new studies of early farming, we would assert the concurrency of hunting, gathering, and agriculture with the first human times.
Let us take only one very recent study for example. Christine Niederberger, basing her conclusions upon deep excavations in the basin of Mexico, on which Mexico City is presently situated, argues that agricultural development was part of the sedentary life of humanity in the highlands as early as or even earlier than it emerged in the coastal area of Mexico  . I would say that the contest is a pseudo-competition: humans quickly civilized and agriculturalized both highland and lowland. We have simply been unable yet to unscramble the succession of catastrophes that affected now one, now the other locale. As everywhere else in the world, the Mexican excavations are plagued by the hiatuses that occur at intervals, denoting catastrophes, an inadmissible theory to most contemporary anthropologists and archaeologists. One day, like the Nile of Egypt, the central high basin of Mexico may become a centerpiece for pursuing the fate of Holocene humanity.
Even though much of all that is known today became known to these first people, creativity was fearfully and fanatically tied to controls, not liberties. The burst of invention came because it was an age when so many ideas were new - written upon the tabula rasa of human experience - rather than being changes from a settled routine or rite.
Almost nothing of the worldwide and prolific activity of earliest Uranian humankind is to be found, or if found, conclusively identified as of this Uranian ecumenical culture. Rather, one is impelled to accept its existence out of a deductive logic - that the human race had to be originally a single band, which created an inventory of myths, inventions, objects, and practices that were shared by people of subsequently different cultures.
We begin then with a single species homo sapiens schizotypicalis, who is a melange of hominidal races and who develops a single ecumenical culture. It follows that this species found its way to the wide reaches of Pangea, and that the "Old World" and the "New World" as well as Oceania had once their Uranian humans and will, with luck and hard work, exhibit them as fossils. Because of the Lunarian and perhaps subsequent catastrophes, descendants in straight line may not be present everywhere. Still, it is now easier to believe that the people of the Americas are far older, in direct or in intermediate descent, than the 12,000 years that have been conventionally allotted to them. Numerous older dates are now assigned; one authority, MacNeish, would allow 100,000 years to mankind in America  . Stone tools dated at 100,00 years were discovered in Western Australia lately  .
By the quantavolutionary calendar, humans everywhere show indications of having participated in the earliest Uranian culture. We need not argue dates, but only cultures. Furthermore, no matter how complete a catastrophe, every subsequent period of our calendar can encompass both people and interacting cultures everywhere in the world.
Regarding the similarities observed between American mythology and classical and Hebrew myth, Max Fauconnet writes: "Does this mean that Humanity was once upon a time reduced to a little group of individuals who later spread over the earth, bringing with them their legends which they altered through the centuries in accordance with new climates and new habits? Or, as seems more probable, are all these legends a confused account of great events on a planetary scale which were beheld in terror simultaneously by the men scattered everywhere over the world?"  Thus - in the New Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology!
There would appear to be proof already of a shared culture between old worlds and new, even of cultural divergence from a possible common ecumenical culture. There is a variety of materials indicating prehistoric contact between Asia and America, little of it suggesting the conventional theory that humans arrived in the Western Hemisphere by the Bering Straits passage. For example, C. J. Riley has edited numerous essays dealing with Man Across the Sea, purportedly the latest wisdom on long-distance cultural diffusion to and from the Americas. In it, I. Sorenson presents a long list of probably diffused common or related general and technical traits. Relying also upon Hewes and Kroeber, he counts about 200 features of an "Old World eikoumene" (ecumenical culture of Euro-Asia). He thinks that one in eight is found in Mesoamerica, and that another 20 or so may be added when further investigated. This amounts to about 18%. Sorenson challenges advocates of independent evolution of cultures to prove that an item is independently evolved in two places at once, rather than, as has been the practice, of assuming independent origin, quoting Kroeber that "there is thus as much evidence needed for an assumption of independent origins as of connection: the burden of proof is equal." 
Our revolutionary model requires not only the confirmation of its thesis of world-wide ecumenical culture but also the placement of the inventory of culture within the framework of the revolutionary calendar. We speculate that there was first the worldwide Uranian culture on the Pangean all-land Earth, followed by almost total destruction from crustal eruption and cleavage Granted beginnings of cultural differentiation in Urania, the Lunarian catastrophes would have drastically reduced and altered the ecumenical elements and promoted rapid, isolated cultural development of the major world geographical regions. Then, in Saturnia, contacts would have been resumed and, then again, chaos, reductionism, and new isolated development in the subsequent period. Then in Mercurian, Venusian, Martian and Solarian times contacts and new types of consensus appear again. The task of segregating and assigning diffused items is not impossible, but requires something like the revolutionary calendar of common world-wide experience to begin with.
Some of the problems of assigning cultural event to the Uranian period are attributable to the complexity and confusion of paleo-climatic studies. For example, our quantavolutuionary model of human development calls for a worldwide human race and culture existing prior to "the ice ages" and also (it should be stressed) prior to the widespread desert conditions found in many parts of the world where ice-age theory has said that ice was absent (the Siberian tundra, the Sahara, Australian. and Western American arid zones, the Gobi Desert, etc.). It becomes difficult then to handle statements by anthropologists such as Michael Coe when he writes that "men continued to live throughout the most dessicated zones of North America. Species after species of large game animal perished not long after its [the dessication's] onset - mastodon, mammoth horse, camel, giant bison, ground sloth, deer, wolf, etc. - but the Indian survived."  Or the statements of numerous experts to the effect that the Magdalenian hunters of the Late Paleolithic Age flourished next to the ice caps and glaciers but then were driven out by a betterment of climate, from which their food supply, the large cold-weather animals, fled.
Climatic change, for better or worse, it seems, can drive out men and animals. Actually, it may be better to try to allocate these self-same persisting Indians and disappearing Europeans to post-catastrophic periods, as survivors of Uranian and Lunarian disasters, most likely the latter, inasmuch as they were already racially and culturally differentiated. At least in the European case, the presence and disappearance of great ice fields is claimed which would require, according to our theory, that the Late Paleolithic survivor-cultures of the caves were Lunarian, because they disappeared with the ice caps. Apparently , the chronology of the so-called Upper Paleolithic may be in serious disarray.
The Upper Paleolithic is put at 35,000 B. P. to 10,000 B. P. by Marshack  . Variant estimates are common. There are problems of overlapping, too. Neolithic-Mesolithic caves are dated at 19,000 B. P. in Greece  . We might well gather Upper-Paleolithic periods between the post-human Uranian and the final Lunarian periods, that is, from about 13,000( B. P) to about 9,500. That would place the Neanderthal Mousterian, and Upper Paleolithic, homo sapiens - with stone and bone kits of 26, 63 and 93 tools (by Francois Bordes' count)  - close to each other in time and space. But perhaps they are really so close.
Henri Breuil, who brought to light much of paleolithic art, exclaimed at the correspondence of celestial Mesopotamian human-headed "bulls" with the bisons of the Southwestern European caves  . (See Figure 16.) He argued that they were deemed anthropomorphic because they were in fact bison-faced, not bullfaced. The bison does look human. "The identity between the 'celestial bull' and the bison is certain."  He believed, also, that the source of inspiration for the Chaldeans was a memory of the bison, or perhaps a contemporary experience with surviving types of the animal. In any event, the anthropomorphic trend in representing the bison occurred in both areas: the human-faced buffalo had celestial relevance perhaps less apparently in the West, where I have noted only two possibly celestial manifestations apart from the anthropomorphism that is generally to be viewed.
Granted a correspondence of animals, anthropomorphism, and celestialism, we are faced with a question that Breuil did not address: could the similarities have originated some ten thousand years apart in time and thousands of kilometers apart in space? Perhaps, but one may also entertain the hypothesis that the two cultures were much closer in time and space. In this connection, it needs be recalled that the Magdalenian Upper-Paleolithic cavepainters of the West have now been shown to have counterparts as far distant as the Caucasus, Azov, Central Asia, Siberia and Bashkir  . If there is a connection, and not a ten-thousand year re-invention, Upper-Paleolithic cultures would be not Lunarian, but post-Saturnian, probably. They would be survivors of the Atlantis and other shelf flooding, according to the theory to be advanced in the coming chapter on Saturn.
The Bison as Real, as Human, and as Divine
(Source: H. Breuil, 1909, 250-4.)
The renowned Abbe Breuil, speliolgist and anthropologist brought together in 1909 the bison of the Franco-Spanish cave drawings and of archaic and ancient Chaldeans. As the drawings of the Figure demonstrate the Chaldeans knew the bison (a) and depicted it anthropomorphically as "the heavenly bull." (b. c.). The "Upper Paleolithic" hunters appear to have done the same; perfectly capable of painting bisons, as attested by hundreds of examples, they too drew the bison anthropomorphically and, probably, sacredly and celestially (d, e and f). Once more the questions of chronological confusion arises; a gap of eight thousand years or so seems too great to bridge two sets of similar experiences and ideas.
It is barely possible that Tiahuanacu, high in the Bolivian-Peruvian Andes, south of Lake Titicaca, is the only known Uranian site that can be called a "central site" as against "survivor sites". Poznansky says that the first period of Tiahuanacu began with "troglodytes" and flourished with large buildings of sandstone adorned with, among other features, many ordered sculptured heads, and snakes. Idols with folded arms, reminiscent of the Cycladic Aegean idols, are found (the dates seem impossibly divergent)  . The climate then was rainy and equatorial.
The period ended, it appears, in "great tectonic movements" which "in some way or another changed the physical aspect of the continent. These alterations on the Altiplano were perhaps the repercussion of great cataclysms and evolutions which were taking place in other locations. Moreover, the latter were perhaps the cause of the migration to the Altiplano of many tribes of the Arawaks from the East, terrified and fleeing from the places where these phenomena were being produced in all their vigor."  Bellamy writes that the first period ended in deluges of salt waters, showing either that the land sank or that the sea rose and that in either event the city must have been at sea level  .
But what sea? If Uranian there would have been floods from the many disturbances of motion and atmosphere, probably salt-floods, but no great sea basin. If Lunarian, the city would have been raised high and no doubt could have been flooded before the event by the tsunamis of the earth cleavage and lunar eruption, or after the event by continued sky deluges; but then the city is unlikely to have been built during the terrible years of Lunaria. So a third possibility occurs of its having been flooded in the end of Saturnian times and raised up then or during later catastrophes (as during the Venusian interruption). However there were four more periods and then came the Incas, according to Poznansky. Probably all of them ended catastrophically.
Conventional dating of Tiahuanacu is actually as late as the present era. Poznansky, who was the most important figure in Tiahuanacu studies, accepted an astronomically retrocalculated dating of 15,000 B. C. for the younger, "classical" period and a much earlier date for the first period. Bellamy, on the basis of his studies of the astonishingly detailed Calendar and Idol of Tiahuanacu assigned 27,000 years to the two and to the Classical period  . Bellamy was pursuing the career of a postulated prelunar Satellite and believed the satellite to have collapsed shortly thereafter, with a world-wide catastrophe, and then that after a period without satellite, the Earth captured the Moon about 11,500 to 13,500 years ago this being originally the theory of Hoerbiger (and again world-wide catastrophe occurred upon capture.)
The Hoerbiger-Bellamy work is important and masterly, even if quite disbelieved by other scientists. Yet, for reasons that would require another set of chapters to explain, I would seek to collapse the two events (the pre-lunar satellite and moon itself) into the encounters between the Earth and Uranus Minor, with the Moon erupting (not captured) in consequence. Then low-lying Tiahuanacu I would be Uranian; classical Tiahuanacu II (in the high Andes) would be late Lunarian with obsessive studies and calendarizing of a changing and much different moon cycle than the present cycle. The flooding of Tiahuanacu I would have occurred as it slipped into waters at the edge of the sink from which the Moon had erupted, whereupon it would have been lifted from the deeps by the westward shoving of the South American crustal plate. The desolate site would have been occupied by Lunarian survivors and rebuilt.
From the age of Urania, other signs of human nature that remain today are scarce representations of whole human cultures. Anthropology, supported by psychology, would rebut any attempt to establish a lone trait here, another one there, and so forth, granted that a kind of evolutionism thinks of culture growth like teeth, now one molar appearing, and then another, and so on. Burials containing worked implements as in Shamrikar Caves; cemeteries (as in Palestine); sign-painting of ritual significance, as in the bison and hand drawings of the Dordogne Caves; sacrifices and cannibalism - as in the bearskull hoards of Neanderthals and perhaps even the human bone remnants of the Peking man - these are representations of larger clusters of culture traits.
The painstaking labours of Andre Leroi-Gourhan in 66 decorated caves and rock shelters (a large majority of all such sites in Europe)  disclosed 2,188 animal figures. Of these 610 were horses, 510 bison, and 205 mammoths. About a dozen of other animals plus 9 monsters constituted the balance. In the central compositions of the caves, 92% of the bovidae (total N= 137), 91% of the bison and 86% of the horses were to be found. Few other animals were to be found with them.
Only a few shapes were drawn - the phallus, vulva, naked females, and the human hand - but these in large numbers. The female signs were concentrated in the central composition or in lateral cavities. Male animals and male symbols appeared at the entrance and back of the caves. Both sexes appeared in the central display. The human hand is profusely displayed at entrances and in the central composition.
Perhaps the cave art can be explained. The cave stands for the world and womb. It is definitely not earthbound. The animals could be hallucinated from the clouded skies: as in heaven, so on earth, and in the caves. The female bias, both human and animal, of central groupings, binds heaven and earth to procreation. The vaults, below which are found most central compositions, are suggestive of the vault of heaven and the spaciousness of the womb. The caves then were religious and probably for the purpose of communion and initiation. The animals are totemized and preserved in picture; they can be preserved and viewed in a guarded manner; they can be implicated in ritual activities, such as puberty rites.
The common straight line probably stood for the male generative organ and also the pillars that supported or reached towards heavens; the triangle, drawn usually with convex sides, stood for the female vulva, or mons veneris, and also for the polar opening that began to occur in the cloud canopies, and appeared to be creating many objects of importance. The obese female statuettes, occurring outside the caves almost entirely, symbolized fertility and Mother Earth pregnant with all living things. The animal and male figures were realistic and ordinary enough to raise a question not of reference but of ability and intent.
The will and ability to draw anything is human; therefore these signs and symbols succeeded the creative gestalt. They require drawing tools, of course. Also, fire was fully tamed. (Fire was hominidal, and some primates play with fire. But use of deep caves must be reliable, conveniently managed, and systematic.)
The basic signs are worldwide, and suggest an early Uranian period when mankind was one, before the geographical cleavage of the world into parts. They come before others because of their pragmatic importance; destroyed, the secluded place in which they are found indicate a sacred sponsorship. Heterosexuality and fertility were holy self-discoveries; their symbolic representation was a giant step into abstraction and language.
The hand for instance, is of primary pragmatic importance and therefore a suitable candidate for religious projection and incorporation, when, as happened, it was frequently modeled in the primeval sky at the Boreal opening; there fingers of vapors, colorfully illuminated, would often have appeared, obscuring partially the face of Super-Uranus  . The numerous ancient oral legends of the northernmost mountains provide representations similar to those of the hand as were similar suggestions afforded by the Boreal hole. The hand was the hand of God; concurrently the increasingly frequent flights of meteors and comets trailing fingers behind nuclear palms, stressed the symbol as a curse, a demand for solemn attention, and a way of power. Thousands of years later, the boreal and meteoritic hand was carried atop the standards of the Roman legions, along with a rounded bronze object standing for the dome of heaven (the boreal opening) whence can be traced the dome of architecture; humans observed, then invented. Some Australians, reported an English traveller of the 1880's, detached and preserved with sacred care the hands of their chiefs or ancestors. Then, "at the sight of an Aurora Australis, all the Kurnai in the camp began to swing one of these dried hands towards the portent, shouting out, 'send it away! send it away! do not let it burn us up! '"  Still, today, the out-thrust hand is a vulgar insult and curse upon a person in Greece.
Z. Rix exposes much of the complexity of the rod as a symbol: "The sceptre, in its wider sense the rod, can be traced to a number, perhaps to all deities. In his commentary to 'The Star from Jacob, ' B. Gemser shows why the Hebrew word for rod in Num 24: 17 should actually be read 'comet. '" The sceptre is given to both heavenly and earthly rulers. Horus is called "Lord of the Rod." "Yahweh will send forth the sceptre of thy strength out of Zion" (Ps. 110: 2). Moloch and Typhon signify Lords and have sceptres too. Prehistoric stone age cultures have rods, "batons." carved with animals and occasionally with phallic shapes or as snakes, ultimately achieving the storied fame of the brazen serpent's rod of Moses  .
Snakes appear everywhere in early human symbolism  . Like the rod, the cometary analogy - the writhing form slithering through the sky - is too obvious to be missed. The earliest Chinese Dragon was serpentlike but with feet. Until recently it was taught in Christian schools that the serpent of the Garden of Eden lost its feet when condemned by the Lord to crawl on its belly. Snakes accompany the carved idols of the first Period of Tiahuanacu  . In South Africa Bushman drawings carry snakes without precise heads or tails. But at Baume Latrone (France) is found a single giant serpent 9'9" long with small elephants and mammoths around it  . In prehistoric Ohio, a long serpent was sculpted in raised dirt; its jaws open wide to embrace a ball, just as the Chinese dragon was anciently pictured. (See Fig 17). Snakes are prominent in the symbolism of all of the great gods. The axis of fire and a multitude of sky apparitions set up the image.
In forthcoming volumes of this work, I shall again stress the quantavolutionary view of heavenly events. Such events are not creations of the human mind making analogies from ordinary human animal existence, such as sexuality, building, working.
They are independent events imagined to resemble known activities. They are named at the same time as activities are being named. They operate upon these activities to constrain and develop them culturally (humanly); yet simultaneously the heavenly events are portrayed and understood by human minds that can work only from ordinary experiences.
THE GREAT OHIO SERPENT MOUND.
Source: Corliss MGM-005, M2-46 from S. D. Peet,( 1890) 12 Amer.
Antiquarian 211-28. Mound located in Adams Co., O.
It cannot be assumed that the great universal myth of Cosmic Parturition of Heaven and Earth derives from the projection of the universal human experience of parturition; they are coeval. The conventional scientific attitude commits a serious error by rigidly viewing the primordial religious experience as a human invention; it would be more correct and historical to say that invention is a creation by the primordial religious experience. Before self-consciousness, neither the primate experience nor the heavenly experience could properly be said to exist; both require the self-observing mind.
Notes (Chapter Six: The Uranians)
1. W. N. Brown, 284.
2. Cardona (1978) 37, 42; cf. generally Cardona, pp. 34-54; Long (1963); Campbell (1949) 276, 282-3.
3. 68 Soviet Astronomy.
4. (1968) 178.
5. Giant Meteorites, p. 310.
6. 12 Ency, Brit. (1969) 49.
7. Vilks (1978) 1181, 1183.
8. Johanson and White (1979).
9. Brandon, 14.
10. (1976) 2.
11. Santillana and von Dechend, 303.
12. Brandon, p. 14.
13. Vail (1972); Talbott (1977A, 1977B); Cardona (1977).
14. Cohane (1969).
15. Vail (1972); Talbott (1977A, 1977B).
16. Carli (1788), 234.
17. Plato, Epinomis, 101, 83.
18. Conversation with author, April 1977.
20. Vail (1977).
21. Santillana and von Dechend, 8.
22. Mullen (1973), Brandon, 8.
23. Vail, 58.
24. Niederberger (1979) 140.
25. Kennedy (1975); Greenberg (1973-4); and cf. Corliss, Compiler, Ancient Man (1978) 661-8.
26. "Man's Arrival...." (1978).
27. Fauconnet (19680 423-48.
28. J. Sorenson, 391 in Riley (1971); cf. Murdoch (1968).
29. Coe (1975) 43.
30. Marshack p. 109; on Breuil's dating see p. 69.
31. Jacobsen (1976).
32. Marshack, 77.
33. Breuil (1909).
34. Ibid., 251.
35. Bader. 30-1.
36. Poznansky (1945) II, figs. 87a, 86, 87,88.
37. Ibid., I51-2.
38. (1943) 51-2.
39. Bellamy and Allen (1959). ch. 10. Libby, in line with most Americanists, finds (1973) that "in twenty years, the firm radiocarbon dates for human occupation have never exceeded 12,000 years" in America. But Greenberg (1973-4) reports Yukon C14 dates of 70,000 and 25,000 to 35,000 in New York and in California.
40. (1976) 93 ff.
41. Vail, "Celestial Record" 33.
42. Goblet D'Aviella, 27 quoting J. Anthrop. Insti. London (1883-4) 189.
43. Z. Rix (1974).
44. Goblet D'Aviella, 39-43.
45. Poznansky II fig. 87a.
46. Shelley-Pearce citing R.& D. Morris, Men and Snakes (1965) 10, 14 and 15.;