From what nations will the greatest incidence of leadership for the world Kalotic Movement come? To answer this question is akin to presenting a new realistic notion of power. The power position of a group is the proven net sum of favorable outcomes accredited to its collective name, resulting from the engagements of its leaders with its members and all other relevant persons, as measured by the number and character of people influenced, and the scope and intensity of the influence exercised, all as estimated for the next action of the group by those to whom the question is practically relevant.
When power position is so defined, it becomes clear that for any country to be a factor in world affairs, or a group from any country, it should have population and/or a high per capita national income but especially must it have a High Energy Mobilization. This concept is close to what Gustavo Lagos refers to as a prestige, that is a prestige earning factor. The HEM is a composite of a numerous people, high income, large kalotic skill classes, high economic activity, high rate of technological development, and the drive to externalize one's will, to implant one's image upon the face of the world.
Thus it occurs that small nations such as Israel, Norway and Switzerland can have greater thrust and impact upon world affairs than large nations such as Brazil and Indonesia. Even a dystrocratic nation, now stratocratic, soon to be plutocratic- Greece - by virtue of a few thousands of buccaneering and indomitable individuals can mark the world more than its large neighbouring competitor, Turkey. For some of the same reasons it can be seen why the Soviet Union, born to international revolution, can relapse into Slavic internalism, while the United States is hurtled forward into the world arena despite a partial paralysis of temperament and a self-fascinating domestic empire.1
The Soviet Union and China are not primary settings for the Kalotic Revolution. The Soviet people may emerge from sixty to work with the ideals and tools of kalocracy are concerned. The Chinese would have similar problems of "kalotic shock' and fewer resources and connections for world activity than the East European communists.
This leaves the kalotic Movement to be centered upon the United States. Next most likely as a prime mover would be France, where much skill and initiative in megarchic affairs continue to reside despite a succession of internal and foreign defeats.
Also important as bases to the three types of country just named are several independent small countries that are able and eager to participate, though they own some peculiar circumstances. These are Israel, Switzerland, Sweden, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and the Catholic Church considered as setting where political activity can generate.
A fifth category contains nations that are disinclined to lead the way because outclassed by the superpowers and intimidated by recent international history. These include Great Britain, Germany, Italy, Japan, and Poland.
A sixth category includes nations whose international affairs are conducted beneath the shadow of large friendly powers but are able to participate if not to lead. Such would be Australia, Nationalist China, Canada, the Philippines, and New Zealand.
A seventh category contains independently operating nations who are eager to participate but weak by the criteria of present international politics. These include India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Egypt, Brazil, and Spain.
One must distinguish between the nation itself and the possibilities of movements of considerable vigor rising from within it. Thus, India as a unit has only mediocre influence in world affairs; but it provides a sizeable number of active Tutors capable of great self sacrifice, willing to go anywhere in the world, educated, compassionate, and optimistic. The reverse is exemplified in the Soviet Union. But generally speaking there is a high correlation between the ability of a nation to operate as such in the world at large and its ability to generate an independently organized movement within it.
The criteria for selecting the nation or nations that can serve as the instrument of cosmarchic revolution are several in number.
The society should permit an early build up of personnel and resources. It should be, therefore, rich, liberal, and technologically advanced. The society should be one in which internal disorder and fluidity are considerable. It is from the internal agitation of a society that the forces necessary for world revolution are stirred up. The society constituting the springboard of Kalotic Revolution should itself possess resources large enough to determine the initial phase of the revolution, to reach the next plane of resources through association with cooperative societies, and finally to outlast and overcome potentially hostile societies. The society should be experienced in the mechanics of world order, and anthropologically oriented.
Obviously, only three societies begin to qualify as being the primary targets and chosen instruments of Kalotic Revolution: the United States, Western Europe, and Japan. But Western Europe does not possess the unity required and has to be treated presently as a series of related forces. Japan does not possess great disposable resources and lacks to some degree a full range of experience in world order.
The Soviet Union forbids an early build up, is internally too rigid, and is not yet in a position to produce the resources and skilled personnel required. Bureaucratically experienced and ideologically inflexible personnel, of which alone it possesses an abundance, cannot operate well in the context of the prescribed revolution.
The Russian commissar is raised on a diet of pap and practicality. He is told that the world is waiting for communism, true, but not how difficult is the journey from the Soviet cell to the far off awaiting mass. Meanwhile his domestic training is narrow and intense. He must manage to climb up a tight enclosed staircase. He looks inside his group for rewards, not outside. The necessities of political success in the U.S.S.R. suffice, even without the historical passivity and brooding attributed to the Slavs, to explain the disadvantages of the Soviet Union in leading the Kalotic Revolution. Then these factors interact with the taxocratic society evolving from socialist theory and the Czarist inheritance.
Indeed, the Soviet Union needs the United States, an exceedingly strange fact that is scarcely appreciated. It needs the U.S.A. in order not to be victimized by Western Europe and mauled by China. Wherever the Soviet Union expands to the West, it creates a hostile population, no matter how thorough its purging of the elite. The practically complete destruction of the Polish, Prussian, Hungarian, Rumanian, and Bulgarian ruling classes did not guarantee those peoples to the Russians. Even the less thorough Russian participation in the liquidation of Baltic, Yugoslav, Austrian, and Czechoslovak ruling circles raised no protective barrier against the West. If the Soviet armies were to march westwards unmolested today, they would incite a partisan movement that would dwarf their own guerrilla wars against Napoleon I in 1812 and the Germans in World War II.
Moreover, any major imbroglio in the West would incite Chinese aggression in Asia. Inasmuch as China possesses the possibility of reprisal to a nuclear bomb attack, the Soviet Union could not be sure of frightening it off.
Wisdom would dictate that the Soviet Union also refrain from aggression in the Middle East, where again the possibilities of local disaster are great and nuclear weapons cannot be employed. Here again, an opportunity would be presented to China to attack the U.S.S.R. in Asia.
Taxocracies conceal their weaknesses. The Soviet are less able to fight a limited war than the French or Americans psychologically, economically, and strategically, And they have no one to fight their wars for them. An internal revolt or coup d'etat is likely if even one army is lost on foreign fields.
The Chinese presence affects the United States, of course, as well as the U.S.S.R., and much of the rest of the world as well. Therefore the U.S.S.R. can count upon American support for a policy of a weak China and preferably a divided China. In return for guarantees in Central Europe amounting to neutralization in the style of Austria, the United States should cooperate with the Soviet Union in the neutralization of China by means of five nation-states, all action in concert, excluding Tropical Southeast-Taiwan China, in the Chinese Region of seven hundred million people.
The Chinese rulers believe that "the sleeping giant has only to awaken" to rule the world. This is only one of sundry dangerous megalomanic dreams of that elite. Their set of beliefs promotes an intransigence of unimaginable proportions. Possessed of the nuclear bomb, Chinese communism can advance beyond its periphery and determine the shape of the world order in the greater part of the world within the next generation. For who, unless it be the Soviet Union and the United States in concert, will bid it cease its depredations?
The only solution to the problems presented to cosmarchy by the immense Chinese presence is a reorganization of the Chinese regime into a kalotic toparchy, which would at one and the same time give China her rightful place in the world and limit the destructive threat implied in a single government of the vast Chinese culture and people.
The Greater China Region should consist of West China (Chungking), Central China (Nanking), North China (Peking), Greater Tibet, and Greater Mongolia. Southeast-Taiwan China should form part of the Western Asia Region with the island and peninsular nations.2 The nations of Greater China will have considerable cultural identity. They will differ from one another, on the average, more than Latin American nations. Each has its own history. Each can play an important role in the world, as do India and Pakistan, who were once believed inseparable by no less a personage than Mohandas Gandhi.
The principal hard fact is that Chinese culture is so vast that, made into a single nation, it can dominate Asia and Japan, together with the southern seas including Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines, and the Indian sub-continent. It can threaten to drive the Soviet Union back into Europe. It can menace two-thirds of the world's peoples. The fact that these are almost all poor should not evict them from the world security community or deny their cultures a chance to survive.
Organized as four states of between 100,000,000 and 300,000,000 persons, the Chinese culture and people can deal with the world in mutual respect and without fear. For each separate Chinese nation will lend some reasonableness and balance to the behavior of the others. The several Chinese peoples can be helped, too, by the cosmarchy, if there is no longer the great fear that whatever might assist China would only worsen the world's problems. The overseas Chinese, a nationality of many millions, could affiliate with a more plutocratic Southeast-Taiwan China if they desired; now they are suspected and often disliked, and cannot utilize their great creative and productive forces for the benefit of Southeast Asia, China proper, or the cosmarchy.3
The Chinese, when they are not embroiled in world rivalry, are not averse to understand that: a) China in cosmarchy is too immense a portion of the world to act as an integral voice, and b) China is actually composed of several sub-cultures that can and should be governed autonomously; for, by so doing. c) Chinese groupings can participate more readily, efficiently, and happily in their own government and world government. Consequently, no matter by what means the formula may be actualized, Chinese civilization should participate in world politics as several interrelated but separately articulated toparchies, at least one of which should connect with a region outside of the cultural region of Greater China. According to figures announced in 1968, China as a whole contains 712,200,000 persons.
Chinese civilization, then, should take the docimastic form of six toparchies.
I. North China is mandarin. It is the famous Cathay. It includes Manchuria and the valley of Huang Ho. It stands north of the 33rd Parallel, and its staple crop is wheat, its climate brisk and northern. It includes Kansu, Heilunkiang, Shantung, Kirin, Liaoning, Honan, Pei-Ching (Peking), Hopei, Shansi, and Shensi, with a total 1968 population roughly estimated at 258,000,000.
II. Middle China is the basin of the Yangtse, with Nanking or Shanghai as its capital, and includes Chekiang, Kiangsi, Anhwei, Hupeh, Hunan, and Kiangsu. It lays south of the 33rd Parallel by the sea, with a total 1968 population estimated at 210,000,000.
III. West China where variations of Mandarin preponderate can be organized with its capital at Chungking. Its territory includes Yunnan, Szechwan and Kweichow, with a total 1968 population estimated at 120,000,000.
IV. Tibet should be enlarged beyond its pre-conquest boundaries to include Tibetan-related people to the east in Chamdo and Tsinghai, with about 4,000,000 people altogether. It will still contain very few inhabitants, but should be nationally self-governing for cultural and geographical reasons.
V. The Central Asian Republic should include Inner and Outer Mongolia, Kansu, and Sinkiang, with a total 1968 population roughly estimated at 20,000,000.
VI. Tropical China includes the Cantonese and many other linguistic and ethnic groupings. It contains Taiwan, Fukien, kwangtung, and Kwangsi-Chuang, with a total 1968 population roughly estimated at 100,000,000. This nation would connect, also, with the overseas Chinese who are allowed or required to maintain Chinese citizenship.
Fortunately for the world, the United States cannot remain isolated from either Asia or Europe. Notwithstanding the tearing of internal pressures, it must move out. It is too democratic in conscience to segregate itself from peoples' problems elsewhere. It is too productive to utilized all the wealth that it might produce. It is so undirected as to require a concept of a larger world participation to solve its own moral problems. Its interest, its business, and its secondary publics (all the ethnic, cultural, and religious relatives of all of its people who live in a hundred countries abroad) drive it over the world. And it is too vulnerable to attrition, attack, and strategic weakening to fail to resist aggressive movements around the world. It may refrain from some struggles some of the time, for various reasons, but will be always engaged in other struggles.
The United States, therefore, despite its apparent lack of morale for the specified mission and numerous inadequacies of detail, has the best topology for world revolution. The fact that its people are frightened by racism, crowding, violence at home and abroad, and by the consequences and necessities of their own materialistic and complicated society, far from being a deterrent to its ability to move towards cosmarchy, is a necessary precondition to largescale constructive action. In its resources-material and human-lie strength; in its anxieties stands crouched an enormous genie; in the beginning of its domestic revolution are the beginnings of world revolution.
F. Doestoevsky said once:
Mankind as a whole has always striven to organize a universal state. There have been many great nations with great histories, but the more highly developed the more unhappy they were, for they felt more acutely than other people the craving for world-wide union.
The constitutional structure of cosmorcacy is now complete in its broad outlines. How will the power flow through it? Will power truly take the paths designed for it and rest in the hands it is assigned to? These questions cannot be answered precisely, nor would it be proper to assign power on any permanent dogmatic basis. The important task is to set limits to how much power flows through whose hands. That we have done.
The Principal Coordinator will not be a despot. The World Congress will guide a true world government, bypassing state sovereignty where necessary by dealing with other types of constituencies directly. The World Congress will not be able to shape at will the administrative agencies of world government but will have to influence them through the several constituencies and through the Coordinators whom it has designated. Its armed forces are such as it deems wise to raise on an international basis or collect for its needs through the state agencies.4
The people of the world have a definite method of injecting free-floating and flexible public opinion into the world political processes. The major special and spatial divisions of the world are built into the government, not too rigidly on the one hand, not too shapelessly on the other.
Power will be based partly upon numbers of people. But it will be based also upon resources and productivity. More important than the weights against mere numbers are the restructuring of numbers via the different types of constituencies and through partial indirect elections; hence, man, who is more extremely rational or irrational when he is most conflictful, is compelled to recognize and enjoy his cross-tugging interests in the five-fold vote that he casts as a citizen of the world government.5 Gone will be the day when he will in a fit of immoral consecration lay himself down before the juggernaut of his state. Swept away will be the rationalization that says, "What lies within a state is untouchable by the outside world," an idea of raison d'etat for selfish and frivolous ends that future man, from the next generation to the neoterium, will deem psychotic.6
How much power must rest with this world government? The answer is definite, but always changing: The world government must have as much power as is necessary to bring about the Basal Kalotic Formulas within a period of fifty years. The pressures and forces of its power must be felt in every muscle of local and hamlet government until those millions of muscles are attuned to the cosmarchy.
The system of control we must have can neither succumb to centralisation nor surrender to parochialism. It cannot be dystrocratic because it knows its goals, and they are part of a modern and future consensus. It must not begin as, or become, taxocratic or stratocratic; otherwise, the basic kalotic problems cannot be solved, and we shall have a world of warring alliances and overburdening officialdom like China of the past two centuries. It may begin from a plutocratic base but ascend rapidly onto a new level of productivity, directiveness, and innovation.
The kalotic formula and its associated constitutional structures ease fears of over-control or under-control. What people have been crying for with increasing panic can be offered: a halt to the monstrous distortions of this world and instead the creation of a young society without fear and with plentiful resources. If we are right, we shall have the unique possibility of moving through a decade of revolution into the smoother and dynamic operations of the constitutional order. There, even while he is a member of the world order, the most humble worker and farmer will feel better of heart and body, will feel freer and securer, will feel more himself and more one with his neighbour and the universe.
|1.||Cf. Amaury de Riencourt, The American Empire (New York: Dial Press, 1968).|
|2.||"In stature, dialect, and psychology, the people of tropical China are distinctive...Climate and a way of life give geographical uniquencess to Tropical China and set it apart from any other group of regions." George B. Cressey, Land of the 500 million; a Geography of China (New York: McGraw Hill, 1955), pp. 203, 205. Cf. also W. A. Douglas Jackson, The Russo-Chinese Borderlands: Zone of Peaceful Contact or Potential Conflict? (Princeton, N. J.: D. Van Nostrand Co., Inc., 1962).|
|3.||As these lines are read for the last time before printing them, the news media are carrying accounts of bloody struggles between Malayan and Chinese ethnic groups of Malaysia.|
|4.||A well-paid and well-trained voluntary international force of 300,000 men and women is adequate for a centralized peacekeeping system in the kalotic cosmarchy. The cost would be about $20 billions (1970 prices). On the attitudes of people to a world force, see William Buchanan, Herbert E. Krugman, and R. W. Van Wagenen, An International Police Force and Public Opinion (U.S., 1939-1953) Princeton, N. J.: Woodrow Wilson School, 1954)|
|5.||Cf. Harold Guetzkow, Theoretical Approach to a Problem in International Organization (Princeton, N. J.: Woodrow Wilson School, 1955); Michael Banton, Roles (New York: Basic Books, 1955).|
|6.||M. S. McDougal and H. D. Lasswell, " The Identification and Appraisal of Diverse Systems of Public Order," 53 American Journal of International Law (1959), pp. 1-29, 4-5, attacks the abuse by totalitarian powers of doctrines of international law such as sovereignty, domestic jurisdiction, non-intervention independence and equality in order to resist external responsibility and to block world order. They conclude that "the lead (in redefining universality) must of course be taken by scholars and public figures physically located in the non-Soviet world." (p. 5)|