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Kalos: What is to be done with our World.
By Alfred de Grazia


PART SIX: Leading the Revolution


When will reforms begin? They have begun with the first person to say "I am beginning." So it has begun. When will it surge? It will surge forward when enough persons orient and apply their energies. When will it generate a steady stream of consequences? When it fashions some system to its goals.

A revolution grows in effect when it is noticeable. It is effective publicly when it is news. A member-state of the United Nations can introduce a set of kalotic resolutions, to go on record; let every member say something or nothing, and let the resolutions fail as they will. But they will be noticed. Favorable resolutions should be introduced by members of every legislature in the world and should be attempted in even the most hostile of them.

The smallest public demonstration for kalocracy at Red Square in Moscow will be a large step forward. A promulgation of demands, a simple statement of intent in every language, tacked up in some square in every country and language-area, will advance the movement. To give more symbolic force, every industry should receive some form of promulgation; every religious group, every university, every secondary school, and exemplary elementary schools should also. Every provincial government, every city and village council room, every central building of a bureaucratic agency, should find a hand-written, typed, or printed announcement pasted up on its premises.

Let most of them be ridiculed or removed. Notice is thus given everywhere. But remember the date everywhere. It is year 1.

Now pledge a candidate, inform a ruler, write a member of parliament. Give a speech, publish a news report, translate a message and offer it to everyone. Hold student meetings. Raise the questions as new business in all meetings; let them be called "non-germane". What is "germane" on this suffering globe is often madness, and usually irrelevant to the important realities. Arrange symposia at every scientific conference on "Science X and Kalocracy: Or "How does scientific work X relate to kalotic problem A?" Hundreds of scientific and professional meetings each year need to have their habits chalenged, their contributions to society re-evaluated, their minds shaken up.

From notices, go to bulletins, from bulletins to newsletters, newsletters to newspapers; but never abandon the crudest forms of publication.1 Indeed, these are the most important of all. When they cease, the pneumos of Kalotic Revolution expires with them. Tear up or turn off the mass media until they refocus and reorient themselves. They befoul the mind and raise false, misleading images. They waste scarce resources and potential kalotic human power.

Rewrite popular history as Kalos. Put events so that they will be distorted in the preferred way, for they will be distorted by neuters and opponents. Always try to act so that the reaction becomes a reinforcement of the action. Propaganda, agitation. indeed, all of the political process is like riding a boat over rough seas. One has to use his muscles in advance, against the expected unbalancing force.

Do not praise anybody for "knowing what is going on;" that encourages the delusion of activity. most such "knowledge" is idle gossip. What is going on is kalotic movement, or nothing. Do not go down on your knees when "the liberal arts" are paraded. They are unreconstructed, anti-kalotic. And do not spend more than a tenth of any encounter or meeting on the order of business or the procedures for proceeding.

But keep the obsessed and punitive person from leadership of the revolution. Once such persons begin to show, the freezing and gangrene of the revolutionary corpus follows. The kalists, precisely because they reject the refuse of this modern life and the exhausting irrelevance of dystrocracy, can live enjoyably even in revolt. Their happiness is the fruit of their determined movement towards Kalos.

Now how are organizations penetrated systematically? The chance occurs when Tutors can be named to positions. Regardless of other bonds that tie men together, recommend the Kalotic Tutor. Though the Tutor may be less "qualified", support him. There is little in competency unless it is well-directed and subservient to principle. So look for the better-skilled, but promote the best-settled of mind.

Do not give up the public arena except under extreme provocation, for once the movement goes underground it becomes subject to all kinds of private motives and breaks communication lines that lead directly to change. Agitate constantly, vulgarly, openly, irrelevantly, and irreversibly. Pass over slights, barbs, the disassociation of useless acquaintances, troubles on the job, and public honors. If something is denied you for what you are, it is not worth having. Sooner or later then, things will be given and conceded to you.

Remember that the most active enemies of kalocracy -- stratocratic and taxocratic conspiracies -- are most effective as secret organizations; hence try to keep everything open to the light. The opposition cannot outargue tutorial principles, nor can it match the tutors' skill; therefore it cannot fight in public but must merely hope to survive and resist by shutting down public communications.

Finally, but sometimes firstly, penetrate, absorb, and recreate a toparchy. If a fairly large number who identify with the principles and practices of kalocracy were to betake themselves bodily to one of several vulnerable American states and cities, to a given Swiss Canton, to an Italian, Scottish, African, Japanese or other town, to a neighbourhood, ward, or arrondissement, and there set themselves up to revolutionize their environment, the world would take note and confusedly seek to attack and promote the growth of such internal dynamic seizures both of which sequences of actions would enhance their importance and spread their example.

With all of this, sooner or later, but sooner than with most revolutions that have affected the world, the Kalotic Revolution can take hold of masses of men, machines, decision-systems, and administrative systems. Kalotic policies can generate at a rapidly accelerative rate. Whole countries can give over their direction; great industries can follow suit. Huge publics can turn their minds around.

There is no need, however, to proceed according to a fixed sequence of actions. A nation or a ward, an industry or a public, a parish or a religion; first is what can be done first. And the sequence from any event is to move out as fast as possible in 360 of political space.

The Tutors

Try as we may to find a better term, it is the word "Tutor" that persists as the focus of revolutionary recruitment. Hints about Tutors have occurred in many passages that have come before. Now a larger and clearer knowledge of them needs exposition.

Lenin found that a social class, especially in underdeveloped states, could not form a revolutionary base, and affirmed the principle of tight organization of communist cadres.2 Lenin's notion no longer has validity; it is primitive in respect to the long run of history and the nature of modern man and society. Revolutions are made by minorities, true; so are all deliberate changes. But the revolutionary minority is not, and should not be, an exclusive, small, secretive party.3

The revolution of today should have a mature, fully civilized, communicating and open organization of like-minded people with personal and group autonomy. These people should wear from their beginnings the badge of the majority and act as if they were already in power. There is not social class to destroy; there are no secrets of state to be stolen; there are no robberies or property to be plotted; there are personalities to emulate but none to adulate, and none to follow slavishly into the depths of treachery and terrorism.4

What has to be done should be made obvious, be declared openly, and be organized everywhere at the highest and at the humblest levels of society and throughout the functional and geographical subsections of the world. Organizing in this manner, the Revolution can make headway, unevenly often, but on the average steadily and speedily.

Lenin's type of revolution flares up to success, provided it ignites at all, but then extinguishes its own ideas. The Revolution of autonomous elites moves forth with short and long steps, registering itself in large numbers of rational conversions to basic principles, in strong demands that can be adopted by any regime under pressure and in direct action bypassing the existing governments. The enemy is not a class or people, and a class or people, ought not to be provoked; it is the common place ignorance, fear, and inertia, on specifics and generalized, that have to be fought everywhere, sometimes by conventional weaponry of revolt, at other times by new forms of organization and tactics.

Every revolution is classless. Numerous disattached persons and a scattering of groups propel the action. The communists would never have had their revolutions had they awaited the coming of the self-conscious, radically prepared proletariat. The porletariat has fought for and against communism, depending upon conditions. The communists have had to rely upon a mixed group that used whatever functional and social instruments it could find.5

This Kalotic Revolution cannot upon a class based upon, and led by, the disadvantaged, using the criterion of poverty or affluence. The disadvantaged are often weak and confused, incapable of pulling themselves together and full of conventional morality that blocks at every specific proposal for reform.6 Nor will the ordinary security-centered middle class give off large numbers to any bold revolution, nor can or would the bureaucratic class. Most will follow, but few will lead.

New groupings have to be employed: the students and teachers whose numbers have so greatly increased, the numerous technocratic and applied social-psychological scientific elements, some educated military personnel, and then people from every quarter, young and old, blacks, yellows, and whites, people of all religious denominations, including the rich and well-cared for whose trouble arises from their having lifted the veil from the face of this self-destroying world. So there is definite initial realization of from whom can come change.7

The Tutors are not like the old intelligentsia. They are not marginal members of society in the same sense as were the writers, teachers, journalists, artists, musicians, and inventors of the societies before World War II. The potential Tutors are central to contemporary society and will be to the future.8 Naturally, they are a minority, ten out of a hundred in the most highly technicalized and intellectualized toparchies, one out of a hundred in the least.

The name given the Tutors describes the origins of many of them, but more emphatically stresses their method of revolution and operation. They must teach, for the power of teaching can be greater than any other kind of power. "To teach" is the most vital ingredient in planning, organizing, and executing a world revolution with a minimum of violence and disparity between the operational code of the "Year One" and the "Year Fifty." There are in America already more college teachers than coal-miners. The numbers of teachers of all kinds and levels are rapidly increasing everywhere in the world.

Because of the large part that technology plays in every industry, office, and farm, the role of the teacher and his influence is greatly enhanced over even the past generation. It will continue to expand. The Tutors presently classified as teachers outnumber, together with their technicalized associates, the world's soldiers, and each Tutor commands more "troops", by virtue of his skill, his students,and his prestige. This is a revolution of "class" that Marx nor any other ancient revolutinary force, except the Levellers9 and the St. Simonists, could dream of.

If a man is professor of administration, he should teach only Kalotic types of administration. If a man is a professor of marketing, he should teach only how Kalotically to market Kalotic commodities. If a man is professor of public opinion or of advertising or of journalism he should teach students only how to persuade people of what is good-to sell Kalotically kalotic things and ideas. One must obstinately refuse other assignments. All applied science should employ Kalotic premises, Kalotic preferences, Kalotic examples.

But this is true also of construction bosses, soldiers, first-grade teachers, arithmetic teachers, pastors, engineers, housewives, money-changers, brokers, and politicians. Do nothing that is not purposefully good; teach only the kalotic act: this is the Revolution. A professor of economics or business who teaches his students simply how to make money may not only be a "traitor" to Kalocracy: he may also be a poor economist who can solve only applied economics problems of a single-preference type. Has he studied for twenty years and more to help empty heads acquire a monomania for money and a skill to fill their pockets with it? No university can force him to do this. And the chemist, the marketing professor, the law professor, the journalism professor: run down the list of the potential tutors; are they not in the same position? In Russia, the mania is to fill offices, more than to make money, but the difference is irrelevant to our point.

Former Senator and economist Paul H. Douglas has said that whenever the Finance Committee of the Senate considered a tax bill, its room was "filled with prosperous lawyers, graduates of great universities, all working to hold what they and their clients had."10

Instead of censoring their student's lives prior to admission by elaborate and somewhat dubious tests, the colleges had better pre-censor their lives to come: "thou shalt not sell stock and bonds more than three hours a day. Thou shalt not spend this collge's gift to advertise cat food!" Every moral rule will be evaded by some people and some of these will wax rich and powerful thereby. Let them; there will be enough men, women and children to make the world otherwise.

The Kalotic Movement should funnel and channel through already existing institutions, taking whatever risks are necessary to convert the institutions. Pressures should be directed everywhere; the whole of existing societies should be placed under pressure.

A shadow organization of Tutors already exists throughout the world. Men of ideas know many of the same facts, share perspectives, and are in touch with one another through visiting studying, conferring, and reading.11 There are even formed groups of the type of Danilo Dolci in Sicily, Italy; Saul Alinsky in Chicago, U.S.A.; Bhave in India; and hundreds more that should be inventoried.12 Thousands of middle and upper class group carrying many different designations and apparent functions also qualify; so too every college and secondary school in the world. Thus is the potential kalotic Revolution in situ.

The Revolution already has many of its cadres in place, owing to the technological revolution and the worldwide dissemination of education and of the evolving kalotic consensus. For example, a single teacher of American government at the University of Minnesota teaches a quarter of the state's top government during his career; American technicians man computers in every country of the world; the Overseas Press Club of New York City has over 3,000 members around the world. Everybody in this restless world seems to want a program: let them have it. Many who would be Tutors were once church activists in good standing; they remain a precious unused source of manpower and can re-enter the churches and temples to use them as centers of Kalos.

Forming of the Tutors

The greatest gift of old liberalism to the new Kalocracy is the beginnings of a new elite. Owing to the extensive differentiation of skills and roles in the old order of capitalism, there remains a reservoir of nonstatal and free commercialists in the society who, with their spouses and descendents, with retainers such as lawyers and service people, the free (because commercial) press, the free (because dependent) intelligentsia, and the free (because decentralized and autonomous) clergy-all of which amount to several millions of persons in the aggregate, compose a necessary and valuable reservoir of activists for the new leadership. No other form of rule has or can provide such a large and competent group. The old bourgeoisie, its original morale in tatters, disorganized, is ready for recruitment to the Kalotic Revolution.

Women in large numbers can be recruited, and will play leading roles. Never has the unique combination of individuals with particular qualifications and times "ripe for change" been so auspiciously presented to a social movement as at present. At a time when most thinking people the world over are seriously questioning the adequacy of existing national rituals for preserving human security on the globe, we find released into the stream of history a large group of well-educated women able to take time to participate in national and world affairs, and aroused to the necessary pitch of intensity that will help them overcome their historical preference for the quieter activities of nest building.13

To these need to be added fractions of the military, officialdom, and managers of large-scale enterprise in order to fulfill the requirements of size and substance for the politist or activist class. Finally, from the ranks of the politicians can come a quota of radical reformers. We can begin to see how, even under increasingly taxocratic and stratocratic conditions in plutocracies, a revolutionary group of sizable dimensions can be formed. Only a small fraction of those already able to make social choices has to be persuaded in order to have a cadre of from 500,000 to 1,000,000 persons, a number quite large enough to shape the destiny of a great country and the world.

The age of the Masses disappeared as soon as it arrived. The "Mass" moved off the center of the world political stage because it could not memorize its lines and had to be spoken for.14 It cannot and will not function under the conditions of future politics. Public opinion surveys and other forms of scientific observation have shown it to be, first, a myth whose capture by propaganda is a necessary task of political movements but whose true shape and capacity to respond to politics is a function of the politists, the Kalists to us.

Elsewhere in this work, a great new occupation of Social Counsellors is foreseen and recommended. This is a tutorial aggregation, par excellence. Their affiliated groups, too, offer potential Tutors, such as the multitude of persons drawn together under the title of "indigenous therapist"15 -shamans, college students working in mental hospitals, neighborhood residents acting as "mental-health assistants," physician assistants, nurse-pediatricians, family-health workers, health aides, and so on through hundreds of helping occupations converging upon the needs of the modern age.

The present-day aggregate of Tutors, like the worker of Marxist days, lacks self-consciousness. The Tutors cling to traditional supports -- the dwindling free upper classes, the ritualistic and non-modernized church, as workers in the bureaucracy, as justifiers of the proletarian movements, and as pure, disinterested scholars. There remains still among most Tutors a sense of envy and malice with respect to their historical denigrators -- businessmen, army officers, and old-fahioned politicians -- but those feelings too are declining. A much more objective and confident vision is arising. Every day sees a growing number of divorces in ancient alliances, and an increasing, even desperate, practicality of approach.

To the force of restless thought and idealism, never negligible in the scales of power, is now added the practical skills and the enormous social investment in education. The traits of the Tutors are special with regard to substance but international in meaning. It is simple for them to communicate throughout the toparchy and cosmarchy. Their language is universal; their outlook is scientific; their philosophy of life is pragmatic; their ideals are kalotic by nature. Nothing that is modern moves without them. Yet they are non-taxocratic, non-plutocratic, and non-stratocratic; hence their universal home and universal appeal.

To a great many potential tutors, especially the established ones, moving deliberately from being an agent of change to being a leader of change is an astronautic feat.16 Nevertheless, ever larger numbers of women and men must make this leap from being a policy scientist or agent to a kalotic tutor.17

But the more classic types of Tutors need elements from all classes and everywhere. They need "the politicos," those of the professional party politicians who affiliate themselves to the Tutors and specialize in political management. They need "monitors", those military who are modernized in psychology, skill, and identifications. The "fabers" are farmers and workers who are free and conscious of the direction of world events. The contingents of the press are "the publicists;" those who disengage themselves from the conventional perspectives of large-scale business are "the organizer";18 those who spring from the bureaucracy are "the warders"; and those from the free professions and welfare occupations are "the helpers." They need whoever offers himself or herself from the poor.19 Calculating half of all the new revolutionary elite to be teachers,clergy, students, and technologists, the other half will come from the aforesaid six groups.

We calculate, without duplication, 1,000,000 professors and scientists; 3,000,000 students; 5,000,000 teachers; 3,000,000 technicians and therapists; 1,000,000 humanists, clergy, and publicists; 1,000,000 aroused blacks; 1,000,000 women liberationists; 5,000,000 professionals, managers, proprietors, officials and military who are potentiated.20 Of 20,000,000 Tutorial Potentiates in all, a strongly persuaded initial group of 500,000 is adequate as the cadre for the Kalotic Revolution.

Now to return to the question asked once before, "What is the interest of this group,the new elite, in the takeover and management of local and world affairs?" The answer is that it forms in the whirlwind of the problems, in the eye of the cyclone, out of the necessities of world crisis, the failures of existing regimes of all kinds to give durable advice and assistance, in the pragmatic extrusion of ideals out of the process of successful Kalotic Revolution. It comes out of universal political sickness and despair.

The Tutors in a group, community, or nation will posses a common attitudinal and structural configuration. They are the old public in a new form.21 They can be everywhere and capable therefore of influencing all events to a concerted end. They will come to dominate and achieve the Kalotic nation. This nation is to be a political order that relentlessly circulates throughout its 360 social globe, with attention to all of its parts, articulated throughout, and productive of Kalos throughout every domestic and international sphere.

1. See Albert Parry on the Samizdat, Ioc. cit.; Shub, op, cit.; E. Lloyd Sommerland, The Press in Developing Countries (Sydney, Australia: University of Sydney, 1966). Here is an immediate task for every journalism school of the world; provide potential kalotists with written or oral instructions of the Samizdat techniques in their many forms.
2. Cf. Sidney Hook, Marx and the Marxists (Princeton N.J.: Van Nostrand, 1955), pp. 55, 83, 187; Stanley W. Page, Lenin and World Revolution (New York: New York University Press, 1959).
3. Herbert Marcuse, in a lecture in New York City, December, 1968, appeared to asserts this principle also.
4. See Ignazio Silone and other writers' experiences with communism as recounted in The God Who Failed, Indignation and hostility (hate) are usually separted by a thin line. How to get the former without the latter is a difficult problem, to whose solution this book is in part dedicated. Cf. Allen Wheelis, The Quest for Identity (New York: W.W. Norton Co., 1958); Albert Camus, The Rebel (New York: Vintage Books, 1956), pp. 291-2.
5. Cf. Florinsky, Russia: A Short History, Chapter 19, for a profile of the Russian revolutionary.
6. On the problems of intellectuals with populism in South American, see Claudio Veliz, op cit., p. 74.
7. "The revolution is dual in nature. One part consists of the men who are hungry and want to live better. The other revolution comes from men who are well off but find that life has no meaning." So speaks Professor Leonardo Ricci of the School of Architecture at the university of Florence that in quick moves kalotized its organization and processes. (New York Times, December 17, 1969).
8. Cf. H.D. Lasswell's closely related concept of the policy Scientist, whom he would place in-between the leader-actor and the scholar. ("The Emerging Conception of the Policy Sciences," unpublished paper, New Haven, Conn.: Yale Law School, 1969). Kalos see only a continuum and all can be Tutors. Also, Michael Young, The Rise of Meritocracy, 1870-2033: The New Elite of Our Social Revolution (New York: Random House, 1959), where the role of the so-called talented and educated vs. the socialists is illuminated. Actually a person's years of formal education scarcely measure the needed talents or virtues, nor are socialists less educated and talented then others.
9. See Don Wolfe, The Levellers, and Henri de Saint-Simon, Social Organization: The Science of Man and other Writings, ed. and trans. Felix Markham (New York: Harper & Row, Pubs., 1964). Cf. Michael Young, op. cit., Armytage, Yesterday's Tomorrow, A Historical Surveys of Future Societies, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968).
10. Anthony Lewis in the New York Times, October 30, 1969.
11. The concern in the U.S.S.R. over the unconfiscable baggage of ideas that is carried back home by delegates and visitors returning from conferences of non-governmental and international groups can be noted. (Cf. M. Kolb, Eastern Exposure).
12. Suresh Ram, Vinoba and His Mission (Rajghat, Kashi, India Sangh, 1954); Adi H. Doctor, Sarvodaya: A Political and Economic Study (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1967); Jerre Mangione, A Passion for Sicilians (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1968); Saul Alinsky, "Citizen Participation and Community Organization in Planning and Urban Renewal," (Chicago: Industrial Areas Foundation, 8 S. Michigan mimeo, January, 1962).
13. Elise Boulding, "Who Are These Women?" (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Center for Research on Conflict Resoulution, n.d.).
14. Cf. John P. Robinson, Public Information About World Affairs Ann Arbor, Michigan: Institute for Social Research, 1967).
15. Fuller Torrey, "The Case for the indigenous Therapist," 20 Archives of General Psychiatry (March, 1969), pp. 365-73. Cf. Sheldon K. Schiff "Training the Professional," LX, University of Chicago Magazine (Feb.,1970), pp.8-14, p.12: on the faults of medical, social work, and educational professions to be client-centered and holistic.
16. Warren G. Bennis, "A New Role for the Behavioral Sciences: Effecting Organizational Change," Administrative Science Quarterly, VIII, No.2 (Sept., 1963), pp. 126-165. Bennis begins his study, which would be unrecognizable to Marx, by quoting Marx' words: "The philosophers have only interpreted the world; the point is to change it."
17. It is recommended that several administrators, ethicists, and psychiatrist form a Tutorial Net promptly to formulate this problem, which has nemerous and subtle complications, and to institute and propagate a system of counsel able to help in thousands of cases within the next decade. A new branch of Kalokinetic psychiatry is called for.
18. Fortune magazine, October, 1969, for attitudinal data on the circulation of revolutionary sympathies among American executives. Note the following trend in "Proportion of Executives in the U.S. with scientific or Engineering Occupational Experience":

Year 1900 1925 1950 1964
Percentage of Executive 11.2 16.1 19.2 35.0

(From a paper by W.H. Gruber, M.I.T., delivered at the Conference on Transatlantic Technological Collaboration, Deauville, France, May 25.8, 1967, p. 12.)
19. Cf. Ralph M. Kramer, Participation of the Poor: Comparative Community Case Studies in the War on Poverty (Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1969).
20. Figures are based upon U.S. estimates in each category, as provided by Census, National Register of Scientific and Technical Personal, and Professional associations. The final "potentiated" aggregate is a minor proportion, whereas the rest are full estimate. The U.S. estimate was doubled to get an estimate for the rest of the world; this happens because at the initial stage of the Kalotic Revolution, the U.S.A. has a great proportion of the requisite skills and social types. For example, in a survey of Time magazine reported on March 30, 1970, more than two million blacks count themselves as "revolutionary" and that only "a readiness to use violence" will gain them equality. We count one half of these as potential Kalotists, take an equal number from them as duplicated in other categories, double the number form the 300 million blacks in the rest of the world and arrive at one million. From these, as we next say, we need to count upon 5% as Kalotic activists. Also, e.g., when the trustees of Cornell University (U.S.A.) hired a survey to expose how little support was available to campus radicals, the survey found 30% approving civil disobedience or violent protest "under exceptional circumstance-if only way to make point in urgent situation." 58% "accepts if doesn't interfere with rights of others (non-violent)" (New York Times, October 27, 1969).
21. Cf. John Dewey, The Public and Its Problems (New York: Holt, 1927); Gordon W. Allport, Personality and Social Encounter (Boston: Beacon, 1960), Chapter 12.


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