Table of Contents


World Boundary-Busting

ranging from the trans-national trespasses of the computer legions to the world revolutionary plots of the Author, including now a World Free Zone Espionage Park in Switzerland, altogether evidencing to the electronic buggers a premature glasnost and dredging up troubles in the Alps of Valais, Bombay, Lebanon, Istanbul, Cuba, and Bangkok, not to mention suspicious settings in Germany, France and England.

WHAT are national boundaries these days? Areas of mutual slaughter and massacre in the Near East and other locations. Vanishing barriers in other places. The Hungarians have this week been rolling up some 150 kilometers of barbed wire hitherto blocking their Western frontier. Right now the Soviet Union can send hundreds of officials and experts to examine and inspect missile sites to guarantee their deactivation, and the USA can do likewise in the USSR. The Soviet Union and USA are considering seriously a Soviet plan that would allow mutual access to bomber bases, naval ports, and warships for purposes of sniffing out nuclear cruise missiles.

With Hjalmar von Brentano, Christoph Marx publishes an enormous chart. Its headlines are "COLLECTIVE AMNESIA: and the Compulsive Repetition of Sacrifice." It summarizes the case for a drastic reordering of the human mind, which was maddened by the Venus catastrophe. It reconstructs the chronology of history. It portrays the upsurge of prayers, rites, and sacrifices as appeasement of the gods. Burnt sacrifices of humans and animals, human holocausts imitating disastrous fire from the skies, these, say the Authors, are dedicated to keeping the heavens in order, the sun and stars in place.

Darwinism, uniformitarianism, evolutionism, are criticized for suppressing the terrible memories of the primeval world and therefore promoting their re-enactment.

Einstein is accused of excluding the electrical-magnetic forces of the universe and smoothening over the anomalies of the gravitational mechanical theory of the heavens, of unconsciously concealing the explosive character of the universe in order to sooth human terror.

Yet see what happens to Karl Marx, too: Marxism as the most influential branch of evolutionist sociology considers a new society successfully established only after its predecessor is economically no longer viable. This system of thought thus denies simultaneous disruptions of quite different social systems following natural catastrophes of the past, i.e. Marxism does not just misconceive the history of mankind but also is incapable to design plausible social change, or to warn against compulsively repeated false revolutions.

Well, we know that you do not have to be a believing communist to be a Soviet spy, but it helps, and in this case, as often happens, when a man is being accused of harboring great affection for the Soviet system, it is useful to know his true views. Like Karl, Christoph Marx goes on record as denying the association with marxism, "Je ne suis pas marxiste."

As if this were not enough, he impresses his Soviet friend Potiondy enough to request and take back with him to the Soviet Union twenty-five copies of the grand chart, with its scandalous if not treasonable anti-marxism, to distribute among libraries and academies.

I've already told you how he pestered Potiondy to find out why the Soviets chose to land on Venus instead of Moon or Mars and did get an answer, an answer which he told to everyone who would listen. (He should have told it to his former sister-in-law Veronica's boyfriend Roger, so it could be stamped secret and sent to Washington.)

No, no sense of boundaries. He has an Assyriologist as friend, Herr Prof. Dr. C.D.F.Meyer-Spangler, who relates the lamentations of the brethren over the inevitable destruction of scores of tells in which are buried hundreds of ancient settlements going back to the beginnings. Where? In Syria. Why? Because the Soviets are building a great dam on the upper reaches of the Euphrates River. A large area will have to be flooded.

This is the same problem that UNESCO faced many years ago, when I was an American Adviser to the General Conference. The Americans had promised and reneged; instead, the Soviets were going to build the Aswan Dam for the Egyptians, far up the Nile.

In the area designated to become a great reservoir was Abu Simbel, with its enormous cliff sculptures of Ramses II, two temples (one to Venus-Hathor!), and associated ancient bric-à-brac. One of the world's great artistic treasures.

Plans had been drawn to remove or lift the major treasures of the bluffs out of reach of the rising waters. Funds were needed. Acrimonious debate ensued. The Soviets, smug in their role of the Great Engineers, supported the majority of poor nations that cried out against this extravagance at a time when there was a sorry need for basic education around the world.

We won the argument, that is, we wheedled and threatened and paid the piper and called the tune.

Dug out, disassembled, reconstructed safely high above the River, the monuments of Abu Simbel hang out now as ever.

Decades later, Marx, acting as a one-man UNESCO, figured out how to capture the most important information of the Mesopotamian site before it was lost forever. To the Russian spies whom he knows, he says, " Can you, will you, speak to the Soviet government to use their great bulldozers on site to slice down through the tells and allow the photography of the stratigraphy?"

We would create thus a large set of rich dossiers for comparative purposes, extending greatly our knowledge of the succession of cultures, of religions and of time in the Middle East. It would be more useful to science, art, and the humanities than the Abu Simbel project. For less is known of the sites, they are many and more important issues of science are at stake.

Potiondy promised to write to Moscow about the proposition. Marx has no sense of boundaries, whether national, functional, social, or, I think sometimes, personal.

The image of the chain of command (better read "tree of command") on this suggestion educes shudders and staggers. Through the Embassy, to the Swiss Desk, European Section, Special Projects Division, Foreign Ministry, Foreign Aid Programs, Arts Ministry, Academy of Sciences, archaeological associations of the USSR and Turkistan, Gosplan.

Out and around and back again, and what is what, who is who, what budget will it go into and come out of, what does the Syrian government think of the project (repeat the circling, spiralling, whip-sawing chain of information, approvals,and command, for Syria), referrals to UNESCO, back again, the engineers, the equipment, the maps, the photographers, the archaeologists, where will they stay, how long, to whom will be sent the photographs for analysis?

"Here you are, sir, ten video tapes with a million and nine frames, indexed by position on site, a pleasure, come back any time."

I know your dream. I, too, clap my hard hat on my head, grasp firmly my cameras, swing up into the seat next to the driver of the giant bull-dozer (of the type building an air-strip on Naxos right now, hauling off dynamited rock from my land, revealing the strata that I have been examining to show that the hill I live on is only a few thousand years young) and now carving away at the edge of the tell, then next a higher slice, another higher, higher still, roaring, dust blowing away, whirring camera, click-click still camera.

Slowly there comes into view proof positive of the historical section of my law of the Quantavolutionary Column:

Any cube of one kilometer diameter circumscribed

anywhere on the surface of the earth, which reaches as

high as the end of the magnetosphere hundreds of miles

upwards, and as low as the upper mantle some thirty

kilometers down, will have endured within the past

14,000 years radical changes in its absolute and

relative orientations, its atmosphere, its rocks and its

biosphere, including any long-lived human cultures.

A dream like this should not be denied. Marx is embarrassed to explain such fantasies to the police, or to anyone else. He cannot get himself to exclaim, "I am the World's Savior and you had better recognize it!" He tries to explain it all matter-of-factly. It is apparent in his diary of appointments. And in his associations. And writings.

The police think it crazy and unessential to the case. I know differently. I know, by observation and introspection, what messianic megalomania is all about in these affairs.

The police cannot recognize the motives and anyhow couldn't go to court with them. They are interested in the banal. Marx's treating (in his own mind, at least), with the Soviet agents as a Third Superpower, even a Super- Superpower, lecturing both the USSR and the USA -- such conduct is beyond the comprehension of the police.

The police insist that the motive and the medium of exchange must be money. And in the end, they have to grant that the profits may have been small. Yes, they say, but that is because Chris Marx was a poor businessman, you see? He couldn't make money even from the Soviet Communists: serves him right! That's the police formula. They cannot fit the case into the stereotype otherwise.

As for UNESCO, which should be undertaking Marx' Syrian mission, what is it up to? A sometimes consultant to its Director, named Aihaihdi, visits Teheran where he endorses the sentence of death by any hand to the writer Rushdie. UNESCO is supposed to be the scientific, cultural and educational conscience of the world.

If you believe in a United World, governed by a humanistically and scientifically educated class, as do a majority of the world's people passively, as a few of us do believe and act, you are treated as a kind of Christ-fool in capitalist countries and as an Enemy of the State and True Faith in communist countries and dictatorships. You are also an object of suspicion to the patrimaniacs.

You get the same reception when you hand out your materials as do Jehovah's Witnesses, with their Watchtower and tracts. Actually you are a World Spy. You commit information-gathering on behalf of humanity -- which, chauvinistically, patrimaniacally construed, is espionage.

I need not tell you how the world has been gathering itself into a collectivity with increasing speed; and, if I am correct, it has an equal chance of blowing up or of becoming a wholesome organism.

To have become subject to a single annihilating set of explosions is the first irrefutable and final proof that the world is One and Indivisible. Try as they may, the military cannot figure out how to fight a medium-sized war that will not surely escalate into a frightful nuclear exchange. Under the circumstances, the full disarmament of nuclear weapons will only increase the threat of a conventional war, so-called, meaning the sort of immeasurably destructive war that World War II was. But worse.

My own proposition is that we cut back to a handful of atomic bombs each, dismantling 499 out of every 500 of the present arsenal, and still maintain with the remaining three score a deterrent by terror against heavy conventional warfare. Yet more on this subject later.

Call me a Security Risk or a Red if you will, or call it treason, but I would just go ahead with the reduction of the American arsenal regardless of what the Soviets do, yet expecting them to go along handily when they see that we mean business.

Of course, the process has already started with the intermediate-range missiles and, who knows, our agitation of the past two decades may have subliminally helped convince the Soviet-American leadership to do just this.

The multi-national or cross-national corporations are getting more numerous and larger all the time. The Japanese are so entangled in the world economy that the fall of the yen and the rise of the yen make little difference in the overall picture; for they have an enormous investment in other people's economies and money values. A great many multi-nationals, to the surprise of ordinary people, are emerging from third world countries and the Asian industrial enclaves, India, Pakistan, South Korea, Hongkong, Singapore, and Taiwan.

If at this moment the trade barriers of the world were dissolved and a world currency instituted, the adaptation would be swift, astonishingly productive, and tidally distributed everywhere; the pains, the losses, would be temporary and minor. The multi-national world economy, already in place, would immediately pick up the pieces of the world and fit them together into a single grand unit.

The main losers would be the dictatorial elites of a number of minor countries and a few bureaucratic elites of communist countries. But even their depression would be temporary. Their opposition would be mean. They should be bribed, bought off; their physical annihilation would be too costly and sick-making.

The military are the most difficult of the affected elite formations. However, no military exists but that can be starved out or persuaded, if once the USSR, USA and the European Community were to unite in the demand for a World Union. Japan would go along. China would as well.

One needs the new world economy in order to form an outlet for the released energies of the military cadres of the world. The surrogate production economy would take the place of the military economy. Thus another forceful reason and force is added to the thrust toward a world economy.

The diplomats of the world would hem and haw and go along. Otherwise they should be swept aside. The United Nations should be scraped clean of bureaucratic and nationalistic encrustations.

The politicians of the world, if the major nations were in accord, would change their tune; chauvinism and religious fundamentalism would be sharply reduced as political appeals.

Now this is the sort of gospel that I have been preaching around the world for decades along with my former students and world agitators, Dr. Rashmi Mayur and Dr. Ibne Hassan. Activities that seem so disconnected and deviously inspired grow from my ardent desire to bring the pieces of the world together in a rule of law overseeing free and equal opportunity.

I started up the preaching during World War II working with several nationalities, even when enemies. I came back to America to urge the same in politics. I toured the world in 1954 at the expense of Stanford University and the State Department, ostensibly to teach diplomatic personnel how to discover and understand the elites of the countries in which they were serving, espionage, you see, in a big way.

I was an enthusiastic supporter of the Murdock projects for an anthropological database that would gather in all cultures of the world and unite them for comparative study and understanding. Over the years this became the Human Relations Area Files. I looked upon the Files as a gigantic dynamic museum. When I would visit a library, I would trip through the cards with my fingers, gaining the sensation of a walk through the Louvre.

Then I set up a small company to plan and finance industrial development in Turkey; my plans expounded the application of new principles of decentralization while tying the industrial growth to the world network. These plans came to only partial fruition, owing to the shortsightedness, even of friends like Hart Perry, or should I say because of friends, in the Washington lending agencies of the time.

They did not respect the idea of world industrial revolution being encouraged by the lending process, and instead looked narrowly as bankers and bureaucrats upon the opportunities afforded them. They ended up with the world today, waiting for the time bomb of Third World indebtedness to blow up the world economy.

When Fidel Castro won total power in Cuba, I was Executive Director of the Center for Applied Social Research at New York University. With the aid of a student and instructor, now a Philip-Morris leading executive, Dr. Frank Moreno, I prepared a scheme to set up a Cuban-New York University Research and Planning Institute to help the Cuban Revolution reorganize the country's economy, exchange students and professors, build up the paper-from-bagasse industry and perform other developmental operations.

What I found upon arrival was not an open situation but a fast-congealing communist takeover. The people around Castro and an uncomprehending U.S. Embassy both in their own way kept me from Castro, listened coldly to my plans, and showed all the signs of a Revolution devoted to Vengeance and Redistribution of the Too Little to the Too Many, with large mailboxes marked for "Denuncios."

Upon my return to the States I visited Senator Theodore Green, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, an old gentleman of my acquaintance from my teaching days at Brown University in Rhode Island: "Cuba, Senator, is moving swiftly toward a communist dictatorship." "Thank you, Professor, the situation is apparently serious; I shall see that the State Department gets a copy of your letter, too."

Generally I have not been interested in the circles of espionage or diplomacy. They are such aficionados and amateurs. People, even spies, read spy novels and try to act them out. From time to time people have drifted into my ken who were attracted by the scent of an exotic, ultra-political world. Others I happened to encounter as our paths crossed on other matters.

Melissa, who lived with me and married me, was a Bulgarian of the most ancient Greek lineage, and congenitally was opposed to communism. She dwelled among all the intriguing evils of politics among Germans, Russians, Bulgarians, Greeks and Americans in Sofia and Athens before coming to New York.

Once her family had been declared an enemy of the State, the Bulgarian and American espionage systems and their social circles became part of her upbringing.

When one time we went to a cocktail party in New York, some years after her cut-off from Bulgaria, a Bulgarian guest unmasked her and, combining business with pleasure, broached her joining their jolly crew of informers and spies.

Should she see him again, we pondered, should we talk to the C.I.A. and F.B.I., and bring them into a second meeting with him via the little bugs under the rugs of Washington Square Village?.

But she well knew that the American agents might be no bargain: she remembered Greece and Bulgaria. They'd be wanting her to double-spy; they'd be wanting to bed down, too.

Do the questions begin to sound familiar? The same sorts of questions raise their stink-pot heads in the Marx case. Each little action recalls an equally small action from somewhere in the past.

And again, Carl Martinson, a partner in Princeton Technology, Inc., suggests that we meet his old boss from London OSS in World War II, Bill Casey. Casey has money, says Carl, and likes projects such as ours: this was the computerized Universal Reference System, the time: mid-nineteen-sixties.

John Simeone comes along; he is now a partner, too, programming systems. We meet Casey, have some drinks, talk over old times, give him the projects to look over, and part for our several sacks.

Out on the street, I asked John what he thought of the deal.

"I would never trust a man who sits around chewing his tie."

I met Casey again with Melissa at the 666 Club for dinner and he is friendly but cannot see the profit. He was right, was Casey. There was no profit in its initial operation; but we sold it for a profit and let the next guy worry about the bottom line.

I think of Casey now, he just died, and I certainly disliked his recent intelligence operations; yet, ugly and bumbling and bearlike and evasive-looking, he had a comfortable charm that helps me understand why Colonel North was so disastrously devoted to him and his ideas. Don't think for a moment that my thoughts ever stray from the psychotic factor in the intelligence business.

And it is lucky for Marx that I, who knows what he is talking about with his Venus obsession, am writing the story, rather than an ordinary scribbler. I have known so much that is abnormal in normal people and have worked with the surprisingly intelligible materials of mythology so long that I am not at all ready to call the boys in the white jackets for Marx. Not at all.

Then there were many other travels, always with some project or excuse that could be offered to the world around, but really with the idea of being a World Spy: what are people like everywhere, how can they be brought together, under what form of government might they live peaceably, prospering, and creative?

To others, the tenor and type of questions and inquiry had to sound like espionage. No one went around the world studying how to unite it.

In India, on my first trip out I spoke of human relations management in the modern world. (I did the same in Venezuela.) A new form of multi-national business responsibility was the goal. I drove the message home especially in Kerala, that miraculously lovely country of the first communist state of India.

The second time out I spoke of the methods of the social sciences -- pragmatism, operationism, social experiment. Here it was that I began to notice the anti-Americanism of Indian intellectuals, those that stayed at home, for they went out of their way to applaud the stupid economics of an East German Professor -- the sort of behavior that can drive an American crazy -- what in the hell has East Germany ever done for India? What Indian in his right mind, or even goofy, ever chose to go there, rather than America, if he had the two different air tickets and visas in hand?

The third time out it was to speak directly on behalf of world government using the horrors of Bhopal as an instance of trans-national corporate irresponsibility and organize a center for propaganda and agitation for world unity. Kalos it was called.

I assembled a formidable little group, headed by Arun Gandhi, grandson of the Mahatma, but it broke up after my departure.

The Urban Research Institute was a first base of operations, with Dr. Rashmi Mayur.

Then I found a second in Kolpe and his newspaper "Clarity" a compatible setting, ready to publish our doctrine; and yet he was pro-Soviet, too much the gentleman to express himself forcibly about the United States, which would have at least in his mind made cooperation impossible. Fine, I thought, a pro-Soviet World Order newspaper in Bombay.

My third anchor in India was the great harijan representative and poet, Chandra Mohan Wagh, whose recitals of a morning at our apartment in Bombay set us deep into the Indian world of glory, misery, protest and acceptance.

I spoke to a gathering of harijans (and ex-harijan Buddhists) and claimed the three hundred million untouchables of the world as the constituency of the Kalotic Movement. The audience of distinguished harijans applauded. Wagh approved. Kolpe printed the talk.

At one fell swoop, with my arrogation, Kalos could claim more supporters than the total population of the USSR or USA.

Kalos came out of my seasons among the Greek Islands with Melissa. The time came for a treatise on world government and I called it Kalos: What is to be Done with Our World? The title recalled Lenin's little tract, but there most of the resemblance ends.

There came then the expedition to the Swiss Alps of Valais, L'Université du Nouveau Monde, the University of the New World, where the Kalotic principles were supposed to be taught and studied and spread. Not for long there: we were dispersed.

The gospel of Kalos is spelled out in a few words. The future world is to be based on the principles of decentralization and constitutional unity. Below the Supreme Congress of limited powers, there were to be Regional, National, Corporative (functional), Metropolitan, and Popular constituencies, each with its own jurisdiction and job and each choosing one hundred members of the 500 in Congress.

The Executive, to be designated by the Congress, was a Commission, to discourage a dictator from arising. Everyone in the world would be guaranteed a free income sufficient for basic needs and several basic freedoms, including the right to travel and learn.

The population of the world was to be severely restricted by apportioning on principles of equality and ability a quota of births to each metropolitan region of the world (All rural areas were included in their nearest Metropolis, of which there would be 100, engrossing the whole world.)

I cannot go into more detail here, no more than I can with my other affairs, nor with the quantavolution to come in science, because I must catch up with Marx, whose fortunes occasion this book, both as a person deserving a hearing in his own right and also as a type of modern man working his way through the most primitive myths and the most advanced technology at the same moment. Fittingly, this is happening in Basle, one of the most advanced technological centers of the world, whose annual Mardi Gras that I mentioned is but the public regurgitation of the most ancient myth-making capabilities of mankind.

You would already know how to fit Marx into my world scheme for Kalos: the System of Civic Beauty. He wrote me in 1984 about the book and pamphlets of the movement:

I very much tend to reduce the argument for a new

world "order" -- if in the strict sense of the word we

may ever expect such a thing, or should actually desire

it -- to the challenge that in the first place and as an

absolute pre-requisite we must get the amnesia removed

from the collective's mind (nothing would hold

otherwise), and that until after this has been achieved

we cannot develop any valid idea of what such an "order"

will look like.

I should reply, saying that the collective amnesia theory is incorrect: intrinsically the human will always possess the capacity and suppressed wish to commit a holocaust. This comes from my theory of Homo Schizo, that we are a Beast-god that must perpetually be struggling for self-control; but that this conflict contains not only the threat of self-destruction; it contains also the sources of our creativity, appreciation of beauty, and ability to intelligize the universe and ourselves.

However, now Marx goes on:

Only pragmatically and from the practical side I could demand that technology including weaponry should go on, namely because the world will require it against possible further "catAstrophes" in its space environment, and for the development of the solar system into again a "living unit" as a member of the galaxy. Most probably there's enough time on our hands if we can slip from under the amnesia. Unfortunately, few of us have yet proposed ideas on how to get the collective onto the analyst's couch, as Velikovsky said.

I can only talk of my own personal strategy of attacking in a somewhat war-like way the weakest position of the whole set-up: those 100 or even less professors of Egyptology defending the uniformist chronology of the ancient world. If up till now I and my computers could do this single-handedly, many of us together should be able to dismantle and raze that position far more efficiently and completely. ...

[Here he makes two proposals, that the World, whether united or not, should be armed with weapons (wouldn't they better be called "tools"?) to attack and destroy any meteoroids, comets, or other bodies that might accidentally or by intent enter the Solar System upon a destructive course.]

Of this I say that solid bodies are not the only type of intruder possible; gas clouds are more likely and difficult to cope with. The probability of such a disaster occurring over the next several thousand years is not alarmingly high, by comparison with the probability of self-destruction. First things first.

Moreover, our technology would be revised and applied differently to such problems, once we have solved the problem of a peaceful world order. It will cost us even less than the combined nuclear budgets of France and Britain properly to plan, construct and maintain the Nuclear Missile System for World Security. Our missiles of today are not made to divert dense bodies and even less to disperse huge electrically charged gas clouds coming in at 108 miles distance, say.

Presently we can sense with astronomical telescopes of various types and using computers a cosmic body approaching Earth on a collision course when it is several months away. For instance, the asteroid Icarus with a diameter of 1.5 km came fairly close to the Earth on July 15, 1968. Had it collided frontally with the Earth, its force of impact would have been equal to 105 million tons of TNT. This is about 5 million times the force of the first atomic explosion at Alamogordo in 1945. It is well over a thousand times the force of the largest nuclear explosion yet experienced, that of a 1961 Soviet test in Siberia, which approached 100 million tons. This year (we are mulling over our text in 1989 now), an even greater meteoroid approached even closer. First calculations gave this monstrous near miss a potential to cause another Venus-type disaster. Its pass-by came during an espionage trial that invoked the name of Venus, to be described below.

However, the defenses of Mother Earth need not contemplate a full head-on collision, which would reduce the intruding body to dust (and would have to be exploded far enough away to dissipate without poisoning the Earth in an immense radioactive material cloud).

We would need only that specific force, applied probably in several stages, that was needed to deflect the object into a safe orbit. This might be no more than is included in a few of the present-day hydrogen bombs.

Icarus is neither the smallest nor the largest of objects that might one day endanger the Earth from outer space, and we would have to be prepared to deal with objects the size of large boulders (that could be true block-busters) and comets of many miles in diameter containing not only billions of tons of dense materials but also trillions of cubic meters of dust and poisonous gases.

Still another job for the World Sky Defense Corps would be to devise methods of blocking the effects of sun spots, which are disturbances of great magnitude, mechanically and electrically, and could cause periods of insupportable heat and cold on Earth. Presently neither theory nor equipment designs, much less protective measures, are dedicated to this type of problem. There has been work on so-called "gravity shields," a noble type of project. "Space Electrical Shields" would also constitute a rewarding object of labor.

However, moving along in our story, Marx asserts also that the reconstruction of Egyptian chronology is essential. The present chronology, too long by far, and not divided on the basis of celestial catastrophic interludes, as properly they should be, confuses all of history and conceals the true meaning of history, viewed as quantavolutions catastrophically generated.

I see truth in this allegation against conventional chronology and have written profusely in denigration of macrochronology and in favor of microchronology. But people, in chorus led by conventional savants such as Carl Sagan, go on chanting, "Billions of years, billions of years, bill.." ad nauseam.

Yet I stress again, I cannot agree that ridding mankind of its amnesia is the sole condition for transforming the human into a humane living creature; structure and laws are required.

Further, getting the world to lie down on the analyst's couch is about as difficult as getting it to sit down at a conference table to come to terms with contemporary terrible realities of world threat and world deterioration. At least the latter problems are generally recognized to exist, whereas the amnesia problem is quite foreign to political leaders.

The difficulty of Marx and Velikovsky resembles that of Buckminster Fuller and his gang, who felt that they could ignore politics as hopeless, could concentrate on the technical conditions for a brave new world, and would produce a new technology so irresistible that the politicians and governments would have to adopt it.

In contrast, I have seen the elite of power as a perennial obstacle to rational proposals and would not encourage hope of technical solutions and psychological therapies solving the great problem of beneficial and benevolent human governance; rather I place my remaining hopes in some lucky set of historical coincidences, which we should do our best to encourage, even as to the Velikovskys and the Fullers.

The psychic revelation, the geodesic dome, and the computer are useful tools of the world future. The determination of and construction of the world's future depends upon the germination of a million scattered seeds of kalotic revolution each pushing upward in its own human sphere toward the realization of consensus in action.

Despite our differences, when I write Marx on December 19, 1984, to ask whether we might use his office as the European address for the Kalos Movement, he consents unhesitatingly: "Of course you're welcome to use our POB. You'll have to tell me the exact name so that I can have it added as an address with the post office."

That Marx's arrest and imprisonment may have politicized him farther is indicated by a remark to me in a letter of July 25, 1987, three years after the letter quoted above.

I learned drastically how today's organization of the collective into policed (national) entities would not ever allow the reconstruction to influence their institutions (including the scientific establishments), when such enlightenment would dissolve traditional existential fear and make the "fasces" carriers, i.e. the fascist elements guarding over those institutions superfluous: it became quite clear from what I experienced that all those guarding positions are occupied solely by such extreme thinking elements, and that no entity with policing power (and here I thought about your idea of World Government) would ever allow any other agents to occupy them.

He now feels that the cause is essential but hopeless, that is, that a world government would be the only way of destroying the barriers to knowledge of the national states, but that the world government itself would set itself against any reconstruction of memory of the early catastrophes suffered by man and forming the basis for persecution, oppression, and holocaust. That I disagree I have already made plain above: the amnesia is a fact but it is secondary to the larger fact of Homo being Schizotypical. One sees now, too, that Marx is certainly not using communist arguments against world government, but psychoanalytic ones; nor does he appeal to communist revolution or the Soviet Union or any government as the source of the therapy and healthy governance of mankind. He is at heart a philosophical anarchist.

He is at the same time a warrior for the world order, for his energies are aimed at saving the human race from destruction by its uncontrollable conscience. In that sense he is a World Spy, limited to be sure. While I am much more extended in my interests as a World Spy.

If the Soviet Union adopted the Kalos plan for World Unity, and began to carry it forward, I should be glad to be a Soviet espionage agent, except that there would be no such espionage under Kalos.

Falconian Maxim #19 is: "The Most Effective Secrecy is Obtained by Full Disclosure."

Telling the truth appears to a secretive, exclusive police mentality, stiffened by years of listening to lies, like hiding a secret. They cannot believe it, and will not.

Adolf Hitler had something like this in mind when he wrote in Mein Kampf that the bigger the lie the more the people will believe it. Reverse this and you have the Maxim.

However, deprived of a profession, I could still mop the Kremlin floors. I would regard that as a more than fair exchange. I would have to be careful, though; I mopped the floors of U.S. Army barracks, dreaming of being en route to the Brave New World, and see what has become of America as the Global Engine!

The Swiss claim an affection for their human brethren second to none and a hearty solidarity with all mankind. Carping critics sneer that they, too, would love mankind if they made from it as much money as the Swiss.

However untrue, the views of such rascals must be taken into account, and there is no doubt that the Swiss are losing money in the espionage business and could be tempted by another approach to the spy game.

It is with pleasure that I offer them this very thing.

Rather than surrender to the police power and dyspionage, the Swiss might better legitimize espionage and create a Free Zone for International Espionage Exchange. An area about the size of Sion might be hacked off a mountain, provided with excellent accommodations for ten or twenty thousands persons to begin with; the growth would be rapid but unpredictable. The Frankfurt Book Fair, the Paris Air Show, the Milan Industrial Design Fair, Florida's Disneyland, and Las Vegas, Nevada, might be studied as precursors. In fact, at the big air show in England in September 1988, the MIG-19, which NATO spies had spent millions in picturing, turned up and was promptly subject of thousands of photographs.

People from all over the world might come, all those who believe that they have valuable information to sell or, if ideological types, to give their valuables to the spy organizations of their choice. We would not want to have booths like a carnival, but the countries and agencies would set up storefronts with back offices.

The spy organizations would of course print brochures and bulletins describing the types of information that they are interested in at the moment and the range of payments; there would shortly grow up a Bourse for such affairs, like the Chicago Commodities Exchange, where contracts and options on hog bellies and other such goodies are bought and sold daily.

There would be no restraints on who sells what to whom. Maybe American agents could sell to unfriendly countries some B1-bombers, three of which have crashed recently, one the victim of a pelican. Of course, full-sized missiles and fighter-bombers and the like would not be admitted. For example, Libyan terrorists would not be permitted to tote in a hijacked American torpedo boat.

One would have to limit the size of exhibits and even the quantity of information changing hands. If the latest Panamanian Strongman wishes to expand from trafficking in drugs into selling the whole archive of USA-Panamanian secret treaties and other agreements, he will have to persuade the KGB store, or for that matter the C.I.A. store, provided that his samples are satisfactory, that he can deliver the total archive.

However, nota bene: Christoph Marx will hold the concession to reduce and transfer to computer format all types of written and drawn documents contracted on the premises, and will be consultant at 1% to approve the final microform of the bulky stuff that is kept elsewhere and being processed for delivery by electronic mail or however the parties deem delivery is best to be made.

Since ordinarily the deals will involve cash payments, branches of the Swiss banks would be maintained on the premises. This would be handy for the parties. It would also enable the Swiss government to collect its 1.5% transactions tax, which should earn it a cool $150,000,000 per year, which, if it has a speck of decency, the Swiss government would split with the United Nations, as much as I dislike that weak, fat, and torpid establishment.

It would be acknowledged from the beginning that many if not all of the exhibitors and purchasers would have no legal right to possess, sell, or buy the objects that they actually are dealing in.

This implies that if some high school kid from Los Angeles shows up with a 40 megabyte hard disk containing the chemical formulas for all the 15,778 products of Smith French Pharmaceuticals, Int'l, Inc. he will not be restrained from selling it to the highest bidder.

Or if a Soviet Armenian waltzes in with a map of the underground installations of Vladivostok he will not be kept from selling it at the Chinese booth.

Granted, there would be an overwhelming temptation for the purchasers to spy on each other and on the buyers, and many would be driven to crime to get back what "rightfully" belongs to their country or company. Shoot-outs would not be infrequent at first, until the rules of the game are clearly understood.

All newcomers would have to be frisked for weapons.

But privacy has already suffered from the same such continual searching at airports, receptions at embassies, restaurant kitchens, etc.

Rooms would have to have good locks -- as now in the better hotels -- and the corridors and public places would have to be patrolled by Swiss guards.

Moreover, the whole of this Free Industrial Park for Espionage (FIPE) would be encircled by an electric fence to discourage unforeseen departures and entrances.

Although practically every transaction in the Park will be illegal in one or more jurisdictions (it will be dealing in anti-matter, so to speak), the admission of representatives of any country to the Park will be conditioned upon an agreement to renounce any legal claims against the Swiss government for transactions conducted in the Park. The temptation for a nation and many corporations to enter the Park will be too great to resist, and therefore the Swiss government would not be embarrassed.

In fact, the whole operation is intended to relieve the Swiss police and prosecutors of their intolerable burdens in connection with espionage, and to add another large clean industry to the country's economic life.

They might even get their watch back! I quote on-line from Radio-Suisse's data base, a year after Marx' arrest:


Basle, 19 April 1988

Some hours before the opening of the European Watch and Jewel Fair, during the night of 13 to 14 April, the watch "Thor" of MDM, inc., Geneva, fell victim to industrial spies. This watch, that took three years of demanding research and development, was stolen by someone without leaving the slightest trace, reported the company. The "Thor" reportedly carried six innovations for which five international patents were being sought. It exhibited notably an improved nocturnally luminous face, a glass self-adjusting to light, and a special waterproof case.

The thieves might show up to sell it.

With its impressive implications of large-scale and multitudinous bank transactions, and its requirements for splendid and extensive hotel and office facilities, FIPE is ideally destined for Switzerland.

And the banks would readily cover up the various transactions as they always do, by transferring credits and debits among the accounts; the FIPE dealers will walk onto and off the campus as carefree as Cambridge University students between terms.

Police authorities all over the world will naturally be alert to any persons leaving their jurisdictions with FIPE as their destination, and will seek to prevent their departure. However this problem, already present to some degree, would not make deep inroads into traffic proceeding to the Park. Ordinary travel into Switzerland would continue (and of course grow) and, once they are in Switzerland, persons buying supplementary tickets to FIPE would not be annoyed by foolish questions.

It is well to plan, I repeat, for a large building program. Growth will be rapid. And, if at any moment the number of beds available in the Park is exceeded by the number of persons seeking admission to the Park, another community will spring up outside the Park, as in the extra-mural growth of medieval cities studied by Professor Braudel and his school, or the 20,000 extra inhabitants of Bombay occupying the sidewalks on the road to the airport with whom you can visit any day of the week...

The Extra-Mural Park (EMP) will soon specialize in non-explosive espionage, the larger part of the trade, actually, such as databases, cartography, lists of bank accounts, esoteric journal articles that have gone unrecognized (I know a dozen persons who are particularly expert at detecting significance in materials that everyone else regards as meaningless).

A large number of curious, intellectual, artistic, clever craftsworking people will settle in EMP even without anything to sell, Swiss for the most part because of difficult immigration conditions prevailing in the Helvetic Confederation. Still, the knowledge and culture explosion here will be difficult to contain.

At this point in time, estimated at 5.6 years after the Grand Opening of FIPE -- this Disneyland for Paranoiac, Patrimaniac, Predatory and Ventripotent Adults -- a genius politician (hopefully not a contradiction in terms) will persuade the canton to charter the community as a University, Empathy University, perhaps, or, why not simply the New World University of Switzerland. L'Université Suisse du Nouveau Monde. Curiously, just recently, an American University took up a full page in the New York Times to announce a lecture period featuring ex-KGB Major Stanislav Levchenko and former C.I.A. Director Stansfield Turner, headlining the page: "The KGB Talks To The C.I.A., That's The New School!"

Almost at once it will be regarded as the World's greatest University by those who understand what a university is all about. The documents, the intelligence, the plans, the designs, the schemes, the brains, the craftsmen, the organizers of knowledge, the explainers, the transmitters, the intelligentsia, the thinkers, the futurists, the far-sighted, the humanists, the mental pictures, the film, photo, computer, audio-visual, tele-tele into the fifth generation -- such a growth and outpouring will have never before been approximated.

In the Center of all of this grand development there will prowl the hardnosed spies buying and selling what will be becoming less and less worthwhile. Once the governments see how little of value is to be gotten out of the ratty end of the business they would cease and desist, and refashion their shops into employment bureaus to catch passing geniuses and ship them home to where they will sing like canaries and thus engage a crowd of people, not just a couple of military officers, in the study of the secrets of the universe.

I am presently fitting only Switzerland to its larger role as World Boundary-Buster. Every nation might contribute in its own way, and by equally imaginative and far-reaching projects, to the welfare of the human race.


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